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Cattle, horses, pigs, chickens and ducks have also been brought to Utila and represent the total non-indigenous fauna. The three-quarter portion of Utila that is swampland--manglar--sports three varieties of mangrove that antedate settlement: white (Laguncularia), red (Rhizophora) and black (Avicennia). The red mangrove bark was once used to produce dye for staining tanned leather. Aside from this latter use, however, mangrove has primarily been useful for firewood, making charcoal and fenceposts. Bush, or woodland, intersperses plantation and pasture lands over the quarter of the island not in swamp. The origin of plants constituting bush is largely unknown and a great number of the floral repertoire are not even given common names. Of those plants that are named, however, there are many that Utilians have employed for medicinal purposes or to other utilitarian ends. The mahoe tree (Paritum elatum), for example, provides "poor man's rope" in the form of its fibrous bark; a piece of mahoe bark one inch wide and two or three feet long can easily support the weight of a man. The bark of the gumbo-limbo (or Indio Desnudo) tree (Bursera simaruba?) can be used to force-ripen green bananas or plantains by alternating layers of bark with layers of fruit in a drum or barrel. Heat (of unidentified chemical origin) generated from the bark turns bananas or plantains ripe within a day or two. Sempervire, a spike-like cactus, is used internally for inflammation of the kidneys and externally to heal boils and open wounds. Scotchineal, another cactus, is used to cure external inflammation. Circe, worrywine, ramgoat (Vinca rosea) and stinking toe are all used as blood builders. In addition to the foregoing, such plants or vines as "licorice" (Abrus precatorius), worm bush, red scallop leaf, forbidden fruit, tamarind, pepper leaf, madre cacao and bay leaf are used for maladies ranging from coughs to amoebas to eczema. Although the roar of alligators was common in Utila at the time of settlement, few of these indigenous reptiles still exist in the swamps. Most alligators were exterminated years ago for their valuable skins. Land crabs--the Blue Crab especially--can be found throughout the length and breadth of Utila and number "in the millions." Islanders eat the larger of this breed and sometimes use smaller ones for bait to catch such fish as the White Pompas. Crab holes undermine many portions of the island and in residential areas are a hazard to building foundations and pedestrian traffic: the ignominy of falling in a crab hole is exceeded only by the pain of a sprained ankle. Two varieties of lizard--called wishiwillies (unidentified)--and iguanas are also abundant in Utila. Wishiwillies are either "high-landers," living on dry ground, or "swampers," for their habit of living in the wetter portions of the island. Both varieties grow to between one and two feet in length and four to five pounds weight. Iguanas, distinguishable from their black- or gray-skinned cousins by their green epidermis, may grow to more than six feet in length and a proportionate weight. Wishiwillies and iguanas alike are considered delicacies, especially when fried in coconut milk and served with "bread kind" (cassava, plantains, sweet potatoes and the like). The other notable feature concerning iguanas and wishiwillies, especially the latter, is their destructiveness to agricultural plants; considerable ruin is done by these lizards eating off the leaves and young shoots of cultivars3. No inventory of insect or bird life has been taken in Utila, but prolific numbers of sand flies, mosquitoes, ticks and common house flies are noisome to humans and domesticated animals alike. Scorpions, tarantulas, wee wees (leafcutter ants), small insect-eating snakes and waulas (boa constrictors) are denizens of bush land. Pelicans, seagulls, pigeons, ground doves and John Crows (vultures), hummingbirds and numerous small, colorful bush birds are in evidence. Conclusions Size is obviously a limiting aspect of Utila's physical setting. Of the maximum 24.36 square miles of area representing the main island, only six square miles are usable for agriculture or habitation due to the mangrove swamps. Volcanic and limestone composition of the usable land area inhibits mechanized agriculture, should anyone be inclined to pursue any form of agriculture at all, and problems of precipitation and irrigation also hamper any prospective agricultural activity. At best, Utilians could hope, perhaps, to cultivate their island in traditional slash-and-burn style in order to provide subsistence crops. Although there are abundant varieties of fish and other marine life in surrounding waters, it is questionable whether they are available in commercially profitable quantities or whether Utilians could--with their available capital and technology--gain access to them. Shipping itself is inhibited through a lack of good port facilities (shallow waters and coral reefs abound), but there is nothing produced locally that would be marketable in any event. Access to the island by air is not sufficiently well coordinated from the mainland or the United States--let alone other Caribbean or Central American countries--to make a tourist industry likely and support facilities such as restaurants and hotels are extremely limited. In sum, the physical attributes of Utila are, and have been, limiting in terms of the viable economic alternatives. To the extent that certain options were open to Utilians, considering also such factors as capital and available technology, they coupled with historical conditions to preadapt islanders for the remittance economy. The concept of preadaptation is further illustrated in Chapter IV where the economic component of Utila's remittance system is investigated. CHAPTER IV REMITTANCE SYSTEM INTERRELATIONSHIPS: ECONOMICS A preliminary overview of Utila's past was traced out in Chapter II in order to illustrate preadaptation for a remittance system. That over-view was presented according to a two-phase scheme which emphasized economic phenomena as demarcations between a traditional society (based on agriculture) and a contemporary society (dependent on the merchant marine). Using the same two-phase distinction, the economic sector of Utila's remittance system is examined below. With this examination, the interface between economy, society and polity comes into clearer focus and assertions made in Chapter I are further strengthened. The particular chapter divisions employed in the following discussion contribute to understanding Utila's remittance-supported society, and to the theses set forth in Chapter I, in the following ways. First, "Production and Consumption Bases [Patterns]" lets us look at the traditional ways of making a living (and underwriting the expense of the good life) during the years leading up to World War II. Having established the baseline of Utilian earning and spending patterns, it is possible to see--by comparison with counterpart phenomena in the remittance phase--the ready transition from one phase to the other. This, then, supports the idea of preadaptation in Utilian society and long-existing tendencies to commercialism and consumerism. Second, "Trade" illustrates how Utilians took advantage of their agricultural activity and the markets for agricultural produce in the United States to bring prosperity to their island. It likewise establishes the extensiveness of maritime activity which served as a preadaptation for future merchant marine service. In addition, this section underscores the facts of Utilian individualism and commercialism and also is an indicator of the deprivation islanders experienced once northern markets disappeared and island shipping vanished. This deprivation relates directly to the "limited good" perspective that prevailed in Utila as the good life became increasingly difficult to attain. From this viewpoint (i.e., that chances for the good life were actually diminishing radically), it is possible to understand Utilians choosing to go into the merchant marine. Third, "Land Ownership and Utilization" is particularly relevant to the arguments pertaining to individualism and consumerism and to understanding motivations for present day involvement in the remittance system. Land, directly linked to socioeconomic success during the agricultural phase, has become the major symbol of the good life in contemporary Utila. Land ownership demonstrated individual striving during the agricultural phase. Since the remittance system began, however, land ownership demonstrates the most conspicuous facet of consumer consumption. Further, because land represents an important element of the good life and because of its associations with social stratification (discussed in Chapter V), Utilians are motivated to work in the remittance system. The quest for land and the reward that owning land can mean to a Utilian, show the significance of this section to the overall study. Fourth, "The Distribution of Wealth" shows the differential advantages, hence differential enjoyment of the good life, accruing to the individualistic (and commercialistic) islanders prior to the remittance economy. In connection with land ownership and social stratification, this discussion underscores the point about Utilian individualism. In relation to migration, this section helps to demonstrate the shrinking number of economic alternatives open to islanders and a preadaptation for the remittance system. Finally, discussion of "Migration" lends support to the contention that Utilians, aware of the lessening opportunities to attain the good life, were prepared for the viable alternative of going into the merchant marine. In summary, as in Chapter II, emphasis in the following description and analysis is on the attributes of individualism, commercialism and social non-cooperation within the Utilian population. Again, it is through these orientations that traditional island practices and institutions become comprehendible. It is also through these orientations that Utila's physical limitations can be appreciated as contributors to the islander decision to go into the merchant marine rather than abandon the island, as many had earlier done, or remain to endure poverty. The Agricultural Phase: 1835-1941 Production and Consumption Bases During this initial economic phase particular patterns were established in producing and utilizing goods and services; these patterns have had continuing significance in the aftermath of World War II (the point dividing the two phases) and reflect islander values that were present with the very founding of Utila. Production and distribution techniques in the initial economy were simple: slash-and-burn horticulture was practiced by each planter with little or no help from non-household members. Each man attempted to grow enough of the crops he had under cultivation to supply his household with those particular commodities and, just as importantly, have enough surplus to sell at various ports along the Honduran coast, in British Honduras or as far away as Tampa and New Orleans. Commercial production for export was absolutely necessary since planters concentrated on a narrow range of crops--items often associated with monocrop agriculture such as coconuts, bananas, citrus and the like--and made no attempt to provide a full array of agricultural foods needed by a household. Even kitchen gardens were apparently absent from Utila's agricultural scene. Contact with consumer markets throughout the early years of settlement was effected by a boat owner periodically gathering produce from other planters and then "making a run" to specified ports such as El Porvenir or Puerto Cortes (on the Honduran coast); profit from sales would be turned back to the producer less fees for shipping. In addition to planting and shipping, several other part-time occupations filled out the production aspect of Utila's economy. Males did some subsistence fishing, hunting for whelks, turtle eggs and crabs, and occasional husbanding of cattle, pigs and chickens. Women operated primarily in domestic functions--cooking, washing, etc.--and sometimes did sewing or baking to obtain income. Internally, the island economy operated with mixed barter and monetary systems of exchange. Islanders often practiced selective reciprocity in goods (for example, when a man butchered a pig all of his neighbors shared in the meat; if a turtle or large fish were caught the flesh would be shared) and services (for example, in making boat repairs, house building and the like). Small-scale merchandising (as in the retail vending of rum or imported groceries and manufactures) was done primarily on a cash sale basis. From its very settlement, then, Utila has been characterized by commercialism. Apparently from 1836 onwards a system of mixed currency was used in the various monetary transactions; not only was Honduran currency used, but also that of other British Caribbean territories and the United States (the latter is still used in Utila and is referred to as "gold"). Insofar as overall consumption patterns are concerned, data indicate that islanders brought with them several cultural biases that, in their persistence, have had significant impact on the Utilian economy. In the realm of consumer consumption, preferences in clothing, housing, furnishings and in their diet reflected British and U.S. styles and sentiments from the beginning of island settlement. Clothing and dry goods, for example, were purchased in British Honduras, the United States or in other Caribbean islands because they were of better style and quality than anything available in Central America. Likewise, these items tended to be cheaper than Central American products due to the fact that as a one-time British colony Utila was relatively duty free--not to mention the lower prices obtained through extensive smuggling between British Honduras and Utila (which may have something to do with mainland Hondurans still referring to islanders as "piratas"). Lumber for the construction of their frame houses (plus adornments such as lattice work) was imported from the United States on the grounds that it was better milled and treated than anything available from the Honduran mainland. Household furnishings were derived largely from non-Central American countries. Islanders bought settees, rocking chairs, china cupboards, bedsteads and so on from the United States. Again, their quality and design are stated to have been more congenial to Utilians than anything available locally. Various "conspicuous consumption" items such as pianos, cast iron stoves, elaborate (kerosene) lighting fixtures, etc., were also acquired in the United States as desirable elaborations beyond basic household needs. Gadgets and bric-a-brac found ready homes in Utilian households. Dietary preference ran to heavy meat intake--beef, pork and chicken in particular--the eating of wheat flour bread and consumption of prepared foods (tinned cocoa, biscuits, preserves, etc.). Items in this array were either atypical of Central American buying patterns or were too costly for mainland compatriots, but persisted after settlers came to Utila as a part of their traditional life style. The significance of this brief sketch of biases in consumer consumption is that it demonstrates Utilian perseverance--and pride--in maintaining traditional patterns while at the same time being progressive, e.g., self-consciously modeling themselves on comparable communities along the Gulf Coast of the United States (cf. Rose 1904:11 et passim). The combination of biases accounts for a major component in the Utilian image of the "good life" and is therefore important in understanding economic motivations in Utila. It was the amplifying of consumption and production patterns alike that led to Utilian option for a remittance system when that option was afforded residents of the island. In the last quarter of the nineteenth century, the United States market for tropical fruits expanded radically. Concomitantly, Utilian planters expanded their production to meet market demands and almost as a body, settlers moved from the original cay communities to occupy Utila proper. Plantations were increased to commercial proportions--some as large as 90 acres--shipping increased in number of boats owned and operated and in gross tonnage transported and became an enterprise in its own right. Consumerism in all its facets increased along with the additional production and income: more goods, more travel, more everything upon which money could be spent were acquired. Beyond these amplifications of the fundamental aspects of Utila's economy, the boom created by the influx of cash from the United States brought about several other alterations in the sociocultural system. For example, immigration to Utila increased markedly. Wage laborers (recent arrivals from other Caribbean islands and also from the Honduran mainland) arrived to do unskilled or semi-skilled tasks. A merchant-captain-landholder class of the "first families" also began to emerge. Unfortunately for islanders, the advent of large fruit companies (Standard and United) to the Honduran mainland around the turn of the century aborted Utilian prosperity. Competition with the giant companies was futile and Utila was rapidly thrown into an economic recession; the world depression of the 1920s and 1930s only aggravated an already bad situation in Utila. Production had to be cut back; shipping disappeared; purchase of any goods save absolute essentials was radically curtailed. Before turning, however, to Utila's second economic phase it would prove illuminating to look at greater depth into one or two of the first-phase alterations mentioned above.
The magnitude of trade during the agricultural phase, either in monetary or other absolute terms, could not be ascertained, but some indication of the importance of trade to Utila is given by reference to a roster of ships owned by Utilians and sailing out of East Harbor during its boom period (approximately 1875-1900). Ships were primarily involved in local (i.e., coastal Honduran) trade but also plied waterways between Utila and the United States. Since the boom period represents the zenith in Utilian maritime activity, the number of ships, crews, etc., would be radically lower both before the boom and directly after it. The data for Table 3 were provided by Lutchen-Lehn (n.d.:47-49) and could be substantially corroborated by my own informants. TABLE 3 SHIPS OWNED BY UTILIANS AND SAILING OUT OF EAST HARBOR DURING THE BOOM PERIOD, 1875-1900 Ship's Name Owner Tonnage *Clara L. Dyer D. Warren & Co. 125 *Franz B. Hiller " 150 *Storm King R. Woodville & Co. 90 *Royalist R.H. Rose & Co. 200 *Nellie Dixon Alfred Morgan, Sr. 130 *Elsa Louisa " 60 *Azelda " 50 *Violet Charles Cooper, Sr. 55 Luria Esau Cooper 175 Sybilla Alfred Morgan, Jr. 150 Marian Cutter Irwin Bodden 125 Southern Queen Edward Warren 125 Olimpia White Bush 100 Beloit Mowat Eden 86 Sally Dwight Hunter 75 Wireless Charles Cooper 75 Kate Esau Esau Cooper 70 Viola Hill Clifton Hill 70 Roncador James Bush 60 Adele Irwin Bodden 50 Frances Darryl Thompson 50 Dreadnaught " 50 Telegram Edward Warren 50 Emma Grace Esau Cooper 50 Reporter Timothy Morgan 45 Editor Alfred Morgan, Jr. 45 Concord Alfred Morgan, Sr. 45
Nautilius ?? 40 Unity Henry Bodden 40 Dispatch Henry Greenwood 40 V. C. Harriman Timothy Morgan 40 Britannic Albert Morgan 40 Beatrice Adele Damon Cooper 36 Violin Henry Greenwood 35 Romeria Lindsay Bush 35 Obispo Darryl Thompson 35 Nimrod Clifton Hill 35 Maxine Timothy Morgan 35 R. E. Hill George Hill 35 Daisy C. Bryant Cooper 31 Verdun Irwin Bodden 30 Honduras Alfred Morgan, Sr. 30 San Cristobal Van Baker 25 Conduct David Warren 25 Gerty May Alfred Morgan, Jr. 25 Monitor R. Woodville 25 John A. Woodville " 25 C. L. Clark Alfred Morgan, Sr. 25 Underwriter " 25 Gypsy Irwin Bodden 21 Anette Damon Cooper 20 Exelcior Van Buren Bodden 20 Cecile Harry Bodden 20 Frank Luis Luther Howell 20 Wooloo Mooloo David Warren 20 Willie Ebanks A. Greenwood 20 Eureka Darryl Morgan 20 Pilgrim Luther Howell 20 *Ships marked with an asterisk were apparently the only ones involved in actual trade with the U.S.; other ships were restricted to local runs. It should be obvious, then, from Table 3 that Utilians committed a great deal in money and energy to shipping as an economic venture. By the time the world depression hit Utila most of these ships no longer claimed East Harbor as their berth: some had been sold; some were long since inoperable due to age and decay; and many--according to informants--had been lost in hurricanes and bad weather. Insofar as shipping was ever important to Utila and its local captains, that importance waxed and waned entirely during the agricultural phase. Land Ownership and Utilization Field data indicate that the founders of Utila--probably of lower or working class origin, as previously noted--carried with them the ideal of independent ownership of land. Several of my informants claimed that many islanders in the course of Utila's history had actually died "land poor" given their propensity to possess land. Nor was the acquisition of land indiscriminate: from the time Utilians moved to the main island certain plots appear to have been more favored than others. The shore of East Harbor and the hill directly behind it--La Loma--were prime residential areas, so much so that when waterfront lots, for example, could not otherwise be obtained islanders resorted to making land. Subsequently, Utila's founding--first--families controlled the choice housesites in the island; and with that control some aspects of land tenure took on more than sheer economic (or aesthetic?) importance; there came to be a correlation between social place and physical space. This latter, non-economic aspect of land ownership, was also extended in a modified form to plantation areas in the bush. Although bush land was more a chattel than an element of social stratification, there were more desirable properties than others as determined by accessibility and usefulness. Tracts were more or less distant from the community at East Harbor and more or less directly approachable through swampy areas that make up the bulk of the main island. Some land was flatter and more open than other, especially in terms of lava flows whose jagged ridges made pasturage or easy cultivation all but impossible (e.g., along the Iron Bound; see Map). Latecomers to Utila were often, it seems, relegated to less desirable properties simply as a function of their arriving too late for choice spots. The advantage of the founding families--both socially and economically--over subsequent arrivals was, to repeat, measured in part by land tenure. During those years when the Bay Islands had been a British colony, land grants from the Crown were made to individuals for various parcels, both housesite and plantation types. Subsequent to the Wyke-Cruz Treaty all land transactions were subject to Honduran law. The sale of property (hence its acquisition) had to be arranged with private documents--sales contracts describing the property, cost, etc.--and public documents which legally registered a sales transaction and involved a lawyer and/or payment of registration fees. Download 0.49 Mb. Share with your friends:
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