AU: pls indicate specific citation for Fig. 2.3
In a way, the designs are the pornography of the design professions. The designs display the degradation of standards many practitioners and academics scorn in secret and bemoan in private but adhere to in public. More significantly, the designs transcend pornography to express ideals beyond the practiced capacity of most people familiar with standardized design.
Such designs include those by landscape architects momentarily ignoring the Americans with Disabilities Act and exploring the use of stairs along steep seacoasts and riverbanks. They include architects’ drawings of public structures tiered without regard for ADA guidelines, elevator regulations, fire-escape routes, and lighting standards, but all assuming occupants agile enough to escape through windows in emergencies. Among them number one school building created out of memories of the deep magic of summer camps and a college dormitory designed around the notion of a structural skeleton students divide and subdivide. And they include sketches for urban revitalization using places like Bearskin Neck as models.
These designs reward scrutiny, but only the trusted friends of the designers earn the privilege of pondering urban visions originating in human-scale, pedestrian-focused concepts utterly free of the standards young design-school graduates encounter the moment they enter practice. Designers fear«md»with reason«md»public knowledge of their efforts. Like the wearers of thrions or less, the designers know the short- and long-term effects of public censure and they know too the envy that accompanies discovery of behavior that empowers beyond the ordinary.
But urban designers now stand on the threshold of extraordinary opportunity. Visual studies theory opens a new prospect beyond the 20-year-long experiment with literary theory. As Donald D. Hoffman demonstrates in Visual Intelligence: How We Create What We See, we see long before we learn to read, and even long before we learn to speak.63 Visual intelligence occupies almost half of the human brain cortex and is welded to both emotional and rational intelligence. Only recently have vision researchers opened the prospects that so excite cognitive scientists, and that should excite urban designers. But while the cognitive scientists and a host of suddenly interested experts, from attorneys to advertisers, probe the emerging findings of vision researchers, urban designers so far remain hesitant. Almost certainly their hesitancy involves not only the excruciating difficulties of their own visual language, and chiefly the difficulty of defining that language for nondesign audiences, but their growing awareness that massive components of urban design result from standards imposed by those outside urban design. Any thoughtful undergraduate studying lexicography quickly realizes how old definitions of truth, standard, and criterion impact contemporary physical and social science and how little such discussion means to urban designers snared by standards and guidelines about which they can scarcely speak«md»especially visually«md»to the educated general public.
As that public grows restive about the future of urban design, it must necessarily wonder that vast subjects ranging from electricity to standards pass unnoticed in almost all histories of United States urban design.64 Indeed, as Kenneth Kolson argues in his Big Plans: The Allure and Folly of Urban Design, the early 1960s appear to have been pivotal in urban design thinking. In 1961 appeared both Lewis Mumford’s The City in History and Jane Jacobs’s The Death and Life of Great American Cities, one championing enlightened, responsible city planning, the other extolling the virtues of pre-planning-era form.65 A new cohort of thinkers, Kolson the chief among them and the first into print, suggest that after the early or middle 1960s, something happened. Urban design entered not only a discrete phase, but became a subject about which urban designers, critics, and«md»most of the time«md»the educated general public spoke in standard ways only.66 Kolson emphasizes that his book is “concerned with visual images,” as those images both “give expression to the fantasies of their creators and fire the imaginations of those who receive or ‘consume’ them.” In arguing that such images overemphasize rationality, Kolson makes a point novel in books aimed at the educated general public, one that appears to be catapulting him to fame in circles outside urban design.67 It is a point focusing much nondesign thinking about how urban form originates.
What then is the visual truth implicit in urban form and in urban design? The eighteenth-century wry phrase, “Where’s the truth in that?” becomes important the more visual researchers pry into linguistic and literary theory.
If Bearskin Neck immediately pleases and energizes residents and visitors alike, why is it not one of the standards to which urban designers owe the fidelity Webster, Johnson, and Worcester equally value? It is not wholly laughable to call Bearskin Neck a truth of urban design, at least in lexicographical terms: after all, a great many people seek it out to enjoy it. But to do so is to slide perilously far from non-standard-English toward the speech of cognoscenti who know truth as something other than that upon which most people agree, perhaps especially something they know visually. It is easy to laugh about thrions, but in the 1970s energy crisis behavioral scientists grasped the synergy between architectural form proposed for hot, humid summers and abbreviated attire. In the late 1970s, sophisticated research led scientists to the simple conclusion that people in very little clothing«md»at home, at work, and on urban streets«md»consumed far less air conditioning and other energy, a conclusion the scientists felt had massive implications for the design of the built environment.68 Scientists merely arrived at what a tiny cohort of Americans accepted as nonstandard but effective (if nonurban) behavior, at what so many intellectuals know so little about and thus frequently dismiss, and at what lexicographers once considered a simple truth.
The scientists understood that standards originate in standard English and that standard English frames all urban design standards, but they realized that criteria rule more powerfully. It is past time urban designers and city planners move beyond standards never tested against criteria to what the scientists«md»and the eighteenth- and nineteenth-century lexicographers«md»understood as criteria.
1Notes
Here see Raven I. McDavid, Jr., “The Social Role of the Dictionary,” in Varieties of American English (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1980 296«nd»309.
AU: I don’t think this note is cited in text—or is it the preceding one? Should it be?
2 In 1978, as a young assistant professor, I discovered that my Harvard Design School colleagues routinely used an automobile turning radius based on the 1910 Pierce Arrow touring car, the twelve-passenger vehicle that stars in the high-school favorite. Gilbreth and Ernestine Gilbreth Carey, Cheaper by the Dozen (New York: Crowell, 1949). My colleagues were not happy to learn the origin of something they had never considered historically, and I learned to not speak of my probings into the origins of standards they so easily accepted.
3 A superb volume like Design History: An Anthology, ed. Dennis P. Doordan (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1995) includes almost nothing about the words designers and design historians apply to design components and concepts.
4 In 2001 Congress appropriated $125 million for a Center of Disease Control and Prevention effort aimed at making children between the ages of 9 and 13 more physically active. Wire services reported this effort on June 29, 2002.
5 Todd L. Savitt, Medicine and Slavery: The Diseases and Health Care of Blacks in Antebellum Virginia (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 197819«nd»35.
6 Karen O. Kupperman, “Fear of Hot Climates in the Anglo-American Colonial Experience,” William and Mary Quarterly 41 (April, 1984): 213«nd»240.
7 Karen O. Kupperman, “The Puzzle of the American Climate in the Early Colonial Period,” American Historical Review 87 (December, 1982): 1262«nd»1289.
8 One might argue that educated Americans are so wearied by the media-carried flow of information that they miss visual nuance that leads to nonstandard thought; on this, see Thomas de Zengotita, “The Numbing of the American Mind,” Harper’s Magazine 152 (April, 2002): 33«nd»40.
9 Percy Bugbee, Men Against Fire (Quincy, Mass.: National Fire Protection Association, 1971) remains the chief history.
10 There were earlier standards: see, for example, William Henshaw, Standard for Electric Light Wires, Lamps, Etc. (New York: New York Board of Fire Underwriters, 1887). See also National Fire Protection Association, A Partial Record of the Transactions at the First Annual Meeting Held in New York, May 19 & 20, 1897 (Quincy, Mass.: NFPA, 1897).
11 National Fire Protection Association, Inc., National Electrical Code 2002 (Quincy, Mass.: NFPA, 2002): 70«nd»29. In Massachusetts, this volume appears with Massachusetts-required variations.
12 NEC, 70-225«nd»70-226, 70-39.
13 Cassier Magazine 30 (August, 1906): 337«nd»342.
14 Leakage of Currents from Electric Railways (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1916) Leakage Resistance of Street Railway Roadbeds and Its Relation to Electrolysis of Underground Structures (Washington, D.C., GPO, 1919); Law of Electricity Including Electrolysis (Albany, N.Y.: Bender, 1915).
15 Engineers who know about such matters on an urban scale rarely speak for the record.
16 For general background, see David E. Nye, Electrifying America: Social Meanings of a New Technology, 1880«nd»1940 (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1990).
17 “Haunted Restaurant,” Literary Digest 78 (August 11, 1923): 25.
18 “Electric Dangers,” Literary Digest 46 (March 1, 1913): 352«nd»353.
19 Charles M. Carpenter and Albert B. Page, “The Production of Fever in Man by Short Wave Radio,” Science 71 (May 2, 1930): 450«nd»452.
20 See, for example, Seth Schulman, “Cancer Risks Seen in Electro-Magnetic Fields” Nature 345 (June 7, 1990): 463 ; Simon Best, “Electromagnetic Cover-Up,” The Ecologist 21 (January, 1991): 33«nd»38.
21 Architectural Record 179 (February, 1991): 113; Russel includes plans of “safe” office computer spacing. The popular press began reporting on microwave-induced dangers much earlier: see, for example, Paul Brodeur, Zapping of America: Microwaves, Their Deadly Risk, and the Cover-Up (New York: Norton, 1977), and his subsequent books, Currents of Death: Power Lines, Computer Terminals, and the Attempt to Cover Up Their Threat to Your Health (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1989) and The Great Power-Line Cover-Up: How the Utilities and the Government Are Trying to Hide the Cancer Hazard Posed by Electro-Magnetic Fields (Boston: Little-Brown, 1993).
22 Marvin Rothstein et al., Microwave Ovens and the Public (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1969).
23 “Electromagnetic Pollution and Your Car,” Popular Science 213 (October, 1978): 12.
24 Almost never do urban design students see maps of electric service, and only rarely does visual analysis prompt students to question what appears to be uniform service. Along Massachusetts Avenue at Harvard Square in Cambridge, for example, blocks of buildings are fed alternately by the Massachusetts Avenue and Mount Auburn Street mains (the latter behind the blocks); in a localized electrical failure, power fails in alternate blocks, something students notice and question.
25 This information provided privately by several real estate agents; it is confirmed by visual analysis«md»expensive houses are now rarely built within a half mile of high-tension wires, even in exurban locations.
26 Here the obvious proves so obvious as to become invisible: many children who do poorly in school (and who are tested indoors) love to be outdoors, sometimes playing organized sports and sometimes engaged in so-called free play, but almost never is the lack of electricity outdoors (at least away from high-tension power lines) analyzed.
27 Exploring disused sound studios is one way to experience alternating-current-free quiet, although such studios may still be served by alternating-current electricity. See NEC, 70-504«nd»70-506.
28 Elites sometimes vacation from electricity, or at least make certain their children do: many traditional summer camps in the northern United States and in Canada are scarcely electrified, and many hunting and fishing camps in Canada (accessible only by boat plane) are deliberately without engine-driven generators.
29 Direct current is essentially silent, but it is difficult to find buildings served by it. I direct students to certain boats, motor homes, and period Pullman cars (the last stopped on side tracks) to experience high-quality lighting by direct current.
30 Several of my former students (ranging from school-board members to attorneys) predict a massive school-building redesign effort in the near future driven by parents convinced that electricity-served schools inhibit learning.
31 Cities Are Abnormal (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1946A significant if now somewhat dated book, it focuses on issues like the ability of humans to be alerted by any sound louder than that of a rustling leaf.
32 Every year a handful of Harvard College undergraduates visit Harvard Design School faculty asking out-of-the-way questions; few get answers. Recently high-building vibration (in wind, but also as a result of foundation-level railroad-train movement) has sparked questions. Is a suburban generation especially sensitive to such vibration, or perhaps unwilling to get used to it? What explains undergraduate fascination with measuring it?
33 For a general introduction to the railroad built environment, see John R. Stilgoe, Metropolitan Corridor: Railroads and the American Scene (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1983).
34 On freight-station siting and design, see John Droege, Freight Terminals and Trains (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1925).
35 The best design introduction remains John Droege, Passenger Terminals and Trains (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1916).
36 Marshall W. S. Swan, Town on Sandy Bay: A History of Rockport, Massachusetts (Canaan, N.H.Phoenix, 1980), 358«nd»359.
37 The author is presently engaged in a nationwide study of rural and small-town rail infrastructure improvements as they relate to rural economic development.
38 Mobil Service Station Engineering Department, Mobil Landscape Manual (New York: Mobil Oil Corporation, 1969). Any scholar remotely familiar with such manuals realizes why urban designers confront such difficulties in improving city streets punctuated by service stations. More importantly, university students made aware of such manuals discover one of the guiding forces of urban design.
39 Time-Saver Standards for Landscape Architecture, eds. Charles W. Harris and Nicholas T. Dines (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1988 esp. 210-8«nd»210-15.
40 On the picturesque as Americans understand it in the United States, see John R. Stilgoe, Borderland: Origins of the American Suburb, 1820«nd»1939 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 198823«nd»28 and passim. On quaint seacoast places, see John R. Stilgoe, Alongshore (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1994esp. 295«nd»332.
41Bearskin Neck is one constituent in an ongoing analysis of wood-frame urban areas.
42 George W. Solley, Alluring Rockport: An Unspoiled New England Town on Cape Ann (Manchester, Mass.: Solley, 19241.
43 Arthur P. Morley, Rockport: A Town of the Sea (Cambridge Mass.: Murray, 1924): 12«nd»21.
44 Ibid., 19«nd»20.
45 Information from ongoing interviews begun in 1988.
46 On the wants insofar as they apply to coastal urban form, see Warren Boeschenstein, Historic American Towns Along the Atlantic Coast (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1999279«nd»293.
47 Railroad enthusiasts photograph trains; police understand and honor this, but police have no framework that places people photographing loading docks.
48 As the publication dates of books cited in the next few endnotes show, historians had demonstrated this assertion by about 1968; their conclusions remain largely outside ordinary political discourse even now, however, and journalists and other public-focused writers rarely apply them to issues of abortion, feminism, or protection of children from pornography.
49 Antebellum urban public health reform proceeded slightly differently, because reformers risked becoming ill themselves: see Charles E. Rosenberg, The Cholera Years: The United States in 1832, 1849 and 1866 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1962).
50 See, for example, L.G. Williams, A Place for Theodore: The Murder of Theodore Parkman, Ph.D. (Greenville, N.C.: Holly Two Leaves, 1997159«nd»162. Williams reproduces hitherto unpublished manuscripts to make his point.
51 See Joseph Gusfield, Symbolic Crusade: Status Politics and the American Temperance Movement (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1963).
52 British town planners easily accept the role of pubs. Few American urban designers say much about the unofficial standards that govern numbers of liquor licenses; in Massachusetts, for example, the Alcoholic Beverage Control Commission (a relic of temperance reform) assumes one liquor license for every 1,000 people per municipality, something that that makes planned urban developments difficult to envision and explains the enduring presence of temperance-era convenience stores called “spas.”
53 Frank Walsh, Sin and Censorship: The Catholic Church and the American Motion Picture Industry.
AU: pls provide pub info for Walsh
54 Photographers know the dangers of depicting nude children, at least in the United States. The examples of Sally Mann and Jock Sturges skew all photography nowadays and produce all sorts of nonpublic photographic effort.
55 One courageous exception is Linda Williams, Hardcore: Power, Pleasure, and the “Frenzy of the Visible” (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989; rev. ed. 1999).
56 Even the period of reform remains vaguely known: see, for example, John A. Garraty, The New Commonwealth, 1877 to 1890 (New York: Harper, 1968), an enduring study of the urban moment that produced reform that scarcely mentions architecture or urban design, let alone the reform of building standards.
57 Arthur Mann, Yankee Reforms in the Urban Age: Social Reform in Boston, 1880 to 1900 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1954).
58 That late-nineteenth-century urban growth threatened the social status of some groups seems to have been widely accepted into the 1940s, but only early-twentieth-century social historians hinted at implications for urban design: see, for example, Arthur M. Schlesinger, The Rise of the City: 1878«nd»1898 (New York: Macmillan, 1933). At issue here are not only the roots of so-called standards in urban design, but the social origins of the cohort that produced the first and second generation of urban designers. Schlesinger’s arguments dovetail almost perfectly with those of historians interested in the origins of the reformers, but contemporary scholars appear to know little of them. At base, Schlesinger intuits that United States cities, and especially their physical fabric, might have evolved much differently. The willingness of elites to leave cities in part involves a disgust with reform(see Stilgoe, Borderland, cited in note 40).
59 For a basic introduction, see John Bainbridge, Biography of an Idea: The Story of Mutual Fire and Casualty Insurance (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1952). It would be useful to know if anyone asked the inventor Nikola Tesla.
60 The Dictionary of Architecture and Building (New York: Macmillan, 1901).
61 The author arrives at Harvard in 1973 as a student in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences but he immediately enrolled in Graduate School of Design Courses. He has taught in both facilities since 1977. The arrival of computer-aided design is simultaneous with the arrival of literary theory, and both must be examined in the context of communication difficulties between faculties of design and of business. By 1980, business-school faculty routinely bemoaned the communication difficulties, but always from the viewpoint of words. The place of literary theory in design-school curricula (and faculty research) will prove to be a juicy component of twentieth-century intellectual history, presuming intellectual historians make the effort to understand the intention of design-school faculty after 1970. Real estate developers are right to ask landscape architects the difference between retention basins and detention basins.
62 Here, see the 1997 Merriam-Webster’s Collegiate Dictionary definition of standard.
63 Visual Intelligence: How We Create What We See (New York: Norton, 1998).
64 See, for example, Richard E. Foglesong, Planning the Capitalist City: The Colonial Era to the 1920s (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986), and Mel Scott, American City Planning Since 1890: A History Commemorating the Fiftieth Anniversary of the American Institute of Planners (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1969). Non-design university students probing the vocabularies of urban design eventually realize that these and similar books slight entire vocabularies of urban design, but none discover the implications of Scott’s book appearing in the midst of books about reformers. See also Spiro Kostof, The City Assembled: The Elements of Urban Form Through History (Boston: Little, Brown, 1992).
65 The City in History (New York: Harcourt, 1961); The Death and Life of Great American Cities (New York: Vintage, 1961). The extent to which Jacobs understood city planners as another subset of United States reformers within the framework Mann and others established remains unstudied.
66 Kenneth Kolson: Big Plans: The Allure and Folly of Urban Design (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001esp. 1«nd»13.
67 Big Plans, 12. More than any book I have encountered in 25 years of teaching, Big Plans interests non-design academics interested in either contemporary urban form or the role of visual intelligence«md»or both.
68 Very little of this research moved beyond the circles of those of us intrigued with energy-saving design. See Georgia Dullea, “Dressing for Life in a Discomfort Zone,” New York Times 128 (June 13, 1979): C4. At least some scientists argued that people exposing most of their bodies in public would necessarily cause people to take better care of their physicals selves; an energy-saving activity would thus have medical care ramifications. In many parts of the Caribbean (and elsewhere beyond the ordinary United States health-board codes that forbid people in swimsuits from eating in restaurants), restaurants catering to people in abbreviated attire set air conditioning thermostats higher than they would otherwise.
[CAPTIONS] PM: Source line format ok?
Figure 2.1
A shattered glass negative circa 1915 reveals the mix of advertising and structure that reshaped urban fabric: Bostonians had more to look at than the new film Birth of a Nation advertised on posters everywhere. (Source: John R. Stilgoe.)
Figure 2.2
Electricity transformed urban streets. In an age when standards still dictated working shutters, property owners struggled to retrofit buildings for far newer technologies. (Source: John R. Stilgoe.)
Figure 2.3
The spaciousness of streets served by street railways perplexed early twentieth-century urban designers struggling to control advertising and to imagine how parallel-parked automobiles might skew standards of sidewalk width.
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