Abstract Trouble in River City: The Social Life of video games by

Research on Games and Gender

The socialization begins early. As early as kindergarten, children have already begun to see video games as male (Wilder, Mackie, & Cooper, 1985). Studies show that this is not of their own choosing. When given equal access, female students show as much interest in technology as male students (S. Kiesler, Sproull, & Eccles, 1985), and equivalent levels of programming skill (Linn, 1985). Some have speculated that the difference in game preferences is evidence of a biological difference between the genders. However, gender differences in computer game preferences have been predicted by a reduced amount of exposure to them; increasing girls’ exposure to games reduces the gap significantly (P. Greenfield, 1996). This gendering process is sustained in part by a male dominance of video game culture that has actively rejected female consumers, and has simply used them as a means to satisfy male audiences. Girls who enjoy video games have difficulty finding games that appeal to their interests.

Several analyses have now concluded that video games are highly gendered in that the vast majority of characters are male. Female characters, when they do appear, tend to be objects rather than protagonists, resulting in generally negative gender stereotypes (J. Funk, 2001; Gailey, 1993; Knowlee et al., 2001; Rushbrook, 1986). Additionally, a strongly male, heterosexual viewpoint is assumed, with most characters playing the role of the strong, assertive man seeking glory through violence with the reward of female companionship (Consalvo, 2002). Depictions of sexualized women tend to raise considerably less ire than depictions of helpless women. Sexualized women in games can sometimes have agency, but are still often in need of a male savior to rescue them from everything from evil demons to rats in their cellars (Pinckard, 2003). Surveys of female gamers suggest that, like males, they want to win the trophy at the end of the race, but they are highly aware of (and offended by) the fact that women are usually featured as the trophy (Groppe, 2001).
The Role of Industry

Another reason for the continual dominance of male games is the perceived success rate of “pink” and “purple” games. “Pink” games, such as the Barbie series, continue to sell well, which has convinced game makers that young girls prefer frills, chiffon and highly stereotypical depictions of females. Meanwhile, an experiment with games made to empower young girls by the company Purple Moon was a financial failure. This failure, although it was only one,¹ has been taken as proof by most male game makers that females want pink games or nothing—a viewpoint I heard repeatedly from industry figures in interviews and on panels. The dynamic at work has been whether or not girls will buy games made for girls instead of whether they will buy games not made specifically for men (Pinckard, 2003). Games made for what developers think girls want have a mixed record of success, and are often criticized for promoting sexist stereotypes (Gilmore, 1999). Instead, games continue to be made that cater to boys and men by including large amounts of violence. At an early age, boys either prefer more violence than girls, or are encouraged to enjoy it more. The preponderance of violent content in games then widens the gender gap over time (Kafai, 1999). There are vocal exceptions to this rule in that game “grrls” like to transcend traditional gender lines to compete with, and preferably beat down, their male counterparts (Daviault, 2000). The female market for violent games is small, but real (Groppe, 2001). However, games that do not specifically appeal to men are rarely made. The key reason for this can be found in the culture of the industry.

Figure E. “Booth Babe” at the E3 Trade Show, 2002

The end result of this imbalance is that games are made by a male subpopulation which satisfies its own aesthetic tastes. Like most creators of entertainment, game makers make games that they like. And since these designers are also hard-core gamers themselves, they make games that appeal to hard-core male players. Mainstream players are therefore less well served, and female players are an afterthought. Women experience frustration with their inability to identify with in-game characters, but male designers are largely unaware of the problem (Wright, 2002). Ultimately, this pattern works to the detriment of both women and the industry itself. An exception proves the rule: The production shop with the highest number of women designers is Maxis, the producer of The Sims (Jenkins, 2001). The lead designer did not set out to create a gender-balanced game, but the team ended up producing a game that has become the best-selling title of all time, in large part because its appeal is not particularly gendered. Meanwhile, the vast majority of game shops continue to be dominated by men, who will continue to satisfy their own tastes until either the internal culture changes or corporate directives force them to cater to a broader audience.

Recent changes in both mainstream popular culture and video game content suggest that a change in these patterns is possible. With the advent of strong female characters in movies and television—most notably the empowering figure of Buffy the Vampire Slayer—girls have begun to see characters that they might identify with, even if those characters are also objects of the male gaze (G. Jones, 2002). These new characters have also been able to maintain their sexuality without remaining powerless. Critics disagree about whether such female empowerment is ultimately beneficial or harmful for women in their search for equality (Marriott, 2003). Some say that even strong women characters are generally undercut and made into objects through marketing (Pinckard, 2003). Still, there are clearly new games with smart, sexy, empowered female protagonists which tweak the tradition of objectification. For example, the strong-willed heroine of the No One Lives Forever spy game frequently tells off her stuffy patriarchal British spy superiors, to the delight of both male and female gamers (Miller, 2001). Likewise, strong female characters within a range of hypersexualization have appeared in the recent hits Deus X 2, Lara Croft: Angel of Darkness, Dino Crisis, and Perfect Dark.

Nevertheless, the objectification of women persists wholeheartedly as long as money can be made from games such as Dead or Alive: Xtreme Beach Volleyball, a title so sexist that its producers looked genuinely embarrassed about it at its 2002 E3 trade show launch. In the end, the overwhelmingly male culture of the game industry continues to cater to male tastes. Despite the untapped sales potential of the female audience, this culture is unlikely to undergo any sea change in the near future so long as men dominate the ranks of game makers.