Chicago Debate League 2013/14 Core Files


NC Extensions [Critical Immigration]: A/T #2 “Latina/o Activism” 299



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2NC Extensions [Critical Immigration]: A/T #2 “Latina/o Activism” 299



1) Their affirmative doesn’t solve this argument because it doesn’t change voting patterns or explore the ways that politicians make decisions. By rejecting the politics disadvantage, you are making it harder to learn how politicians work, which makes it even more difficult to expose systems of domination.
2) Political process arguments are grounded in literature. The core question in political science is whether Obama’s political strategies are effective, and these discussions happen whether we read our disadvantage or not.
ORNSTEIN, 12

[Norman J. Resident Scholar, American Enterprise Institute) Barack vs. the Hill, 3/12, http://www.aei.org/publications/filter.all,pubID.29527/pub_detail.asp]


If the president's agenda were relegated only to fixing a demolished banking and credit system while ensuring that vital industries like the automobile and steel ones don't disappear, it would be overwhelming. But now President Obama is asking legislators to pass sweeping health care reform, sweeping climate change legislation, sweeping changes in energy policy, and more. This week, William Galston and others have raised the question of whether the Obama team lacks focus. Fair enough. But I'd like to tackle another question: Is Capitol Hill even capable of handling so many projects at once? Well, there are certainly reasons to think it isn't. Getting Congress to seize the day on an agenda this supersized is always daunting--a bit like asking a veteran couch potato to drop the Funyuns and run a marathon. Moreover, much of the partisan dysfunction and sharp ideological divisions, not to mention the chest-thumping and vanity, that characterized Congress in the Clinton and Bush years remain intact. Republicans in the House were exultant when they denied Obama every one of their votes for his stimulus package, and Republicans in the Senate were sullen and resentful when three of their own defected to make the bare minimum of 60 votes to get that package through. It has also been a bridge too far for Democrats in the House and Senate to bring some Republicans in at the conception stage of major legislation. Nevertheless, I remain optimistic that this Congress will end up pushing through an historic amount of ambitious legislation over the next two years. One reason is that things are different than they were when Bill Clinton came into office with nearly identical numbers to now--258 Democrats in the House and 57 in the Senate--and had a tough time of it. Back then, Democrats had been in the House majority for 38 consecutive years; they saw themselves as the permanent government, while the president, no matter his party, was an ephemeral figure of little importance to their status. When that theory flamed out with the Gingrich-led landslide in 1994, they had twelve miserable years in the minority to think about it. Now the attitudes are at least a bit different; that is why Democrats hung together on the stimulus despite no Republican support in the House and the bare minimum in the Senate, and got it through only four weeks after the inaugural. Of course, Obama will lose (and already has lost) some of those Democrats, both on the left and among the Blue Dogs--but he will have a real chance down the road of finding some more Republicans, especially in the Senate, to make up the slack.

2NC Extensions [Critical Immigration]: A/t - #3 “Obama Won’t Push” [1/2] 300



1) Obama is pushing the rules and has political strength behind him to overcome opposition. Their evidence is speculative while ours is conclusive. Extend our NATIONAL JOURNAL evidence.
2) Obama will push for climate change because he wants to create a climate legacy, and political capital is necessary for success.
GUARDIAN, 13

[Richard Schiffman; “President Obama is talking big on climate change, but will he act?” 6/25, http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2013/jun/25/obama-climate-change-speech-more-promises]


That's not too hard to answer. If a president's first term is dedicated to pleasing the voters, the second term often focuses on the even trickier business of pleasing posterity. Freed of the need to be reelected, our leaders (when they are not preoccupied with scandals like Ronald Reagan's Iran-Contra imbroglio, and Bill Clinton's impeachment over the Monica Lewinsky affair) become suddenly obsessed with insuring "their legacy". In the tradition of the curse of the second term, President Obama's has gotten off to a rocky start with the Benghazi, the IRS and now the NSA scandals coming hot on the heels of one another. But also true to form, the president is looking for redemption in some historically consequential act – in this case putting the brake on global warming. But its too early to say if the president has earned his place in the Climate Hall of Fame. Obama will have to follow up with other actions like nixing the Keystone XL pipeline. Today again the president kicked that troublesome can down the road, giving no real hint about what he'll decide, although he did say he will approve the pipeline only if he determines that it "will not increase climate pollution". Obama will also have to push hard at future global meetings like the upcoming United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) in 2015 rather than watering down international agreements, as the US has too often done in the past. If the president can muster the political cajones to take these controversial steps, then he may indeed be remembered as the climate hero he clearly wishes to be.


2NC Extensions [Critical Immigration]: A/t - #3 “Obama Won’t Push” [1/2] 301



3) Obama’s new regulatory approach means he has the votes to overcome opposition.
NATIONAL JOURNAL, 13

[Ronald Brownstein; “Time Is Ticking for Obama’s Climate Agenda”, 6/28, http://www.nationaljournal.com/columns/political-connections/time-is-ticking-for-obama-s-climate-agenda-20130627]


With Republicans controlling the House, Obama has even less chance today of attracting enough votes to pass carbon-limiting legislation than he did in 2009. Yet because he is acting through regulation, opponents must amass enough votes to stop him. That gives him the institutional edge. Using the Congressional Review Act, the House would likely pass a resolution blocking the regulation when it’s completed, and a narrow Senate majority might follow. But Obama would inevitably veto such a resolution, and critics are unlikely to reach the two-thirds majorities required to overturn him.



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