Chicago Debate League 2013/14 Core Files
NC Extension [Critical Immigration]: A/t #6 “Alternative fails” 469
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- Plan-specific Impact Module: Mexico Security 470
- Plan-specific Impact Module: Venezuela Democracy [1/2] 471
2NC Extension [Critical Immigration]: A/t #6 “Alternative fails” 4691) Reconceptualizing globalization from the perspective of the dominated allows to see contradictions and break down hegemony. As a judge, you can intellectually disown capitalism and vote to create an alternative movement within this round. Extend our CHOI, MURPHY AND CARO evidence. 2) Their evidence assumes localized struggles that remain fragmented. Our movement is much larger, and connected to other global movements that combine to show the flaws in U.S. colonialism. By exposing the ways that the U.S. has historically used economic assistance to control Latin America, we are awakening millions to the evils of capitalism. 3) They believe capitalism is indestructible only because they are not brave enough to think any other way. Making an honest effort to criticize the system breaks it down because it only stands on the beliefs of the people underneath. KOVEL, 2 [Joel, Professor of Social Studies at Bard, The Enemy of Nature, p224] Relentless criticism can delegitimate the system and release people into struggle. And as struggle develops, victories that are no more than incremental by their own terms- stopping a meeting stopping the IMF, the hopes stirred forth by a campaign such as Ralph Nader’s in 2000 – can have a symbolic effect far greater than their external result, and constitute points of rupture with capital. This rupture is not a set of facts added to our knowledge of the world, but a change in our relation to the world. Its effects are dynamic, not incremental, and like all genuine insights it changes the balance of forces and can propagate very swiftly. Thus the release from inertia can trigger a rapid cascade of changes, so that it could be said that the forces pressing towards radical change need not be linear and incremental, but can be exponential in character. In this way, conscientious and radical criticism of the given, even in advance of having blueprints for an alternative, can be a material force, because it can seize the mind of the masses of people. There is no greater responsibility for intellectuals. Plan-specific Impact Module: Mexico Security 4701) Security assistance to Latin America turns the region into a training facility for U.S. soldiers preparing for expansionist wars and colonialist violence elsewhere. FARBER, 6 [Samuel, contributor to several Latin American newspapers; “Latin America to Iraq: Greg Grandin's Empire's Workshop” Nov-Dec, http://www.solidarity-us.org/site/node/182] Gradin’s main point is to show how foreign policy functioned as a unifying agent for the U.S. right wing, and how U.S. policy in Central America became the crucible where the North American conservatives began to implement their new hard line. For Grandin, at the heart of U.S policy in Central America lies the paradox that it was the very unimportance of the region — geopolitically marginal and with few resources and consequential allies — that allowed the Reagan administration to match its actions with its radical right rhetoric. “Central America’s very insignificance,” writes Grandin, “in fact, made it the perfect antidote to Vietnam.” In this context, Grandin cites Secretary of State Alexander Haig assuring Reagan that “this is one you can win.” (72) From El Salvador to 9/11 Grandin draws some suggestive similarities between U.S. policies in the Central America of the eighties and post-9/11 foreign policies. The American management of what was called “low intensity conflict” in El Salvador was closely related to the U.S. “going primitive” with the outsourcing of the most vicious kind of violence to local groups trained by the American military. This, Grandin writes, included the application of practices recommended in torture manuals distributed by the United States to Central and South American security forces in the 1970s and 1980s. The balance sheet of this new line included hundreds of thousands of Central Americans killed, tortured and driven into exile. Massacres such as the one that occurred at El Mozote in El Salvador bore witness to the enormity of the atrocities that were carried out to enforce the will of the U.S. Grandin cites American journalist Robert Kaplan claiming that “fifty-five Special Forces trainers in El Salvador accomplished more than did 550,000 soldiers in Vietnam.” (224) This kind of repressive outsourcing is carried out today by Afghani warlords and Iraqi Kurdish and Shiite militias working on behalf of U.S. interests in their respective regions. Obviously, the U.S. government would rather resort to the use of proxies provided that it could prevail under those conditions. One of Grandin’s greatest contributions is to establish a number of concrete links between contemporary U.S. foreign and domestic policies, and between the turn to the right of the U.S. foreign policy of the eighties and the invasion of Iraq and its other foreign adventures since September 11, 2001. Along these lines, Grandin details how a newly aggressive imperialist policy abroad was accompanied by aggressive measures at home — with, for example, the executive branch of the U.S. government engaging in military actions in Central America while bypassing congressional oversight and sometimes even violating the expressed will of Congress. There was also repression at home as in the case of the FBI campaign of harassment against CISPES (Committee in Solidarity with the people of El Salvador) in the 1980s. Plan-specific Impact Module: Venezuela Democracy [1/2] 4711) Economic assistance for the creation of a liberalized democratic system creates the conditions that legitimize and strengthen economic dominance, and progressives working for Latin America end up helping neoliberals in the United States. BARDER, 13 [Daniel, Department of Political Studies & Public Administration, American University of Beirut; “American Hegemony Comes Home: The Chilean Laboratory and the Neoliberalization of the United States” May, Alternatives: Global, Local, Political 38(2)] The depoliticized and inevitable necessity for the neoliberalization of the United States and the United Kingdom is part of what Pierre Bourdieu and Loic Wacquant have shown to be the the manifestation of a vulgate borne out ‘‘of a new type of imperialism’’. As they further add, [This vulgate’s] effects are all the more powerful and pernicious in that it is promoted not only by the partisans of the neoliberal revolution who, under cover of ‘modernization’, intend to remake the world by sweeping away the social and economic conquests of a century of social struggles, henceforth depicted as so many archaisms and obstacles to the emergent new order, but also by cultural producers (researchers, writers and artists) and left-wing activists, the vast majority of whom still think of themselves as progressives. 58 Bourdieu and Wacquant point to how the ‘‘cultural imperialism’’ of neoliberal discourse has seeped into the very vocabulary of economic governance, making it appear entirely natural and self-evident. As they observe, ‘‘the automatic effect of the international circulation of ideas, ... tends, by its very logic, to conceal their original conditions of production and signification, the play of preliminary definitions and scholastic deductions replaces the contingency of denegated sociological necessities with the appearance of logical necessity and tends to mask the historical roots of a whole set of questions and notions ... .’’ 59 Indeed, the active concealment of the origin of these neoliberal ideas and how they came into practice, I claim, points to how much neoliberal discourse forgets its origins in the crucibles of Latin American neo-imperial experiments. 60 What I wish to show is how these neoliberal ideas, as part of a larger project to reassert American hegemony, were in fact initially deployed in the experimental crucibles of South America before being legitimized and normalized for implementation in the United States. 61 Directory: wp-content -> uploads -> 2011 2011 -> Voices of the Old Sea Norman Lewis 2011 -> Malevil Robert Merle 2011 -> The Elephant Keeper’s Children Peter Hoeg 2011 -> Jv packet •Mars Colonization Affirmative •Mars Colonization Negative 2011 -> Registration Form (Rev. 8-86) omb no. 1024-0018 2011 -> All America Looks Up to Virginia;” Virginia and the Declaration of Independence 2011 -> Rao bulletin 2011 -> Christopher Columbus was born between 25 August and 31 October 1451 in 2011 -> The Battle of Frenchtown (1855), Washington Territory: the Political and Demographic Context rev 9/4/11 2011 -> Seti aff •seti neg •Asteroids Aff Download 3.16 Mb. 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