In the course of seeking to answer the research questions posed in the Introduction, this thesis has raised a number of different questions that could constitute the start of further research. To begin with, this thesis has used the concept of the developmental state, arguing that, in spite of the implementation of neoliberal policies and the process of neoliberal globalization, developmentalism persists in Japan. Additional research should be conducted to compare the evolution of the developmental state in Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, Singapore and Hong Kong118 since the start of neoliberalism in the 1980s. These studies could help us to understand the impact of neoliberalism and its nature in Northeast Asia, assuming that neoliberalism, in the same way as capitalism, is itself diverse to the point that it is necessary to speak about the varieties of liberalism (Konzelmann et al., 2012). Furthermore, more attention should be devoted to comparing the historical experience of China119 and Japan as developmental states (Beeson, 2009).
Another promising topic of research consists in comparing the industrial policy of Cool Japan with contemporary and previous ones. The comparison between Cool Japan and other contemporary industrial policies would enable us to identify some similarities and differences, whilst a comparison with past industrial policy would provide a historical perspective. That would give insights into changes and continuities, such as the instruments used and the actors involved. Such diachronic research would in this way be able to cast light on the evolution of the developmental state.
This doctoral dissertation has focused on the relationships between the state and three sectors of the Japanese cultural industries: anime, manga and video games. However, Cool Japan includes other sectors not covered in this thesis such as films, TV programs, music and character toys. It would be interesting to consider them in further research to compare their reception of the Japanese state’s policy with the sectors examined in this study. Moreover, as Cool Japan is not limited to cultural industries, it would be illuminating to investigate other industries targeted by this policy, for the instance food, sake, design, fashion, regional products and craft industries. A focus on the two latter would allow us to make the contrast with the cultural industries because the products of regional and craft industries have not been disseminated overseas as much as the products of the cultural industries.
Additional research should tackle the effectiveness of Cool Japan in order to contribute to the ongoing debate between the proponents and adversaries of industrial policy. Even if the goal of this work is not to assess this policy, some speculations can be formulated based on the data collected. The Cool Japan policy aims to generate more earnings of the cultural industries abroad. The big companies of the cultural industries do not really need the support of the developmental state to export their products. They can commercialize them on their own. The Cool Japan policy may have more positive impact for the SMEs as they need more assistance in their expansion overseas.
Another objective of this policy is the dissemination of a friendly image of Japan through pop culture so that Japan increases its soft power. This is the view of the MOFA and the Agency for Cultural Affairs (see Chapter 5, Sections 5.3.1-5.3.2). In particular, this ministry wants to take advantage of the success of Japanese pop culture to advance Japan’s diplomatic agenda and national interests. However, commercial success does not necessarily mean political support (Sun, 2012: 9). Although Chinese and South Korean young people have enthusiastically embraced Japan’s pop culture, they are still very critical when it comes to the colonialist and militarist past of Japan (Nakano, 2008: 113 and 120; Otmazgin, 2008: 94-6).
The government assumes that the spread of pop culture will drive more foreigners to visit Japan, thereby developing the tourism industry. There is little doubt that the success of anime, manga and video games has led many fans to visit Japan and to learn Japanese (Japan Foundation, 2013a; Seaton and Yamamura, 2015: 5). These are two ripple effects of the popularity of Japan’s pop culture. However, the steady increase in the number of foreign tourists visiting Japan, from 6.21 million in 2011 to 13.41 million in 2014 (JTA, 2015a: 12), may be more the result of the weak yen.
Overall, it seems that the Cool Japan policy has few positive effects. This represents a speculation that further research should confirm or invalidate. If additional research attests that this policy is ineffective, this does not mean that industrial policy and the developmental state are obsolete, but that more attention must be paid to the conditions for the success of industrial policy (timing, instruments used, broad versus targeted measures etc.).
Chapter 4 provides strong evidence that the developmental state did not initiate the worldwide spread of Japan’s pop culture, but that it reacted to its popularity. Does it imply that, in the 21st century, the developmental state is reactive? The reactivity of the Japanese government vis-à-vis the cultural industries may represent an exception explained by the relative recent creation of the CESA and the AJA, and the dominant stance, until the end of the 1990s, among bureaucrats that popular culture was unprofitable and trivial. The institutional links between the government and the business world, and the existence of shingikai suggest that the developmental state is not simply in a reactive attitude, but rather try to anticipate promising commercial opportunities. Yet, the issue of the reactivity of the developmental state in the 21st century could be the topic of future investigations.
Finally, the support of the Japanese government to the cultural industries should be compared with the one conducted by South Korea. This country began the promotion of these industries before Japan. Actually, one source of inspiration for Cool Japan originates from South Korea. This country thus represents a model for the promotion of the cultural industries, but also a rival. The comparison between these two countries would enable us to increase our understanding on the similarities and the difference in their respective policy to accelerate the dissemination of Japanese and Korean pop culture overseas.
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