Editors: Kerry
B: Data Sources and Quality Issues
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1B: Data Sources and Quality Issues1B.1 General commentsSignificant data quality issues with respect to social impacts of immigration are generally recognised. For instance, there is no standard definition of migrant status used in national data sets. Hence there is a great deal of variation which makes robust comparative analysis difficult. Some data sets choose country of birth; others select language spoken at home and so forth. There are also significant issues arising from the small numbers in some data sets with standard errors of between 25 and 50 per cent or more. Hence reliable interpretations are limited to a few national data sets although many others have been explored and exploited. Databases and data sets that have been referenced by this study are listed at the end of this appendix in Table 1B.6.1 and Tables 1B7.1 and 1B7.2. Meaningful assessment of social costs and benefits of migration to Australia would be facilitated if consistent data were recognised. For example, future data collection and reporting by visa category, country of birth, recency of arrival and level of proficiency in English with respect to migrants would substantially improve analytical options and thus understanding of the social impact of migration. Of course it is also essential to have comparable data for the Australia-born and, in this regard, reference to ancestry would further inform. Some relevant material may already be available that could go some way towards filling perceived gaps in that the ABS can sometimes produce, upon request, customised tables for some social statistics classifications. For instance, ABS (2000: 35) theoretically could produce customised tables presenting information about voluntary work for population characteristics including country of birth, main language spoken at home and year of arrival (ABS 2000). However, in many instances, the extent of suitability or reliability of the data cannot be gauged without detailed prior knowledge of what elements of data have been collected. A major limitation in quantitative analyses performed for this report is associated with the fact that ABS data are generally not available according to visa category. There are some exceptions including recent Labour Force and Labour Market Statistics (ABS 2004b, 2006b) and Hugo’s (2004) analysis of Australia’s most recent immigrants. Moreover, a general observation with respect to reports recently produced by DIMA and AHURI is that they usually include classifications according to visa category. Classifications by visa type can provide important insights into many areas relating to social impacts because economic capacities on arrival can, to some extent, be inferred from visa category more so than any other achievable measurement. The likely effects of socio-economic status on a great range of lifestyle factors by which social costs or benefits might be gauged (for example, employment status, welfare payments, health, community participation, social networking and home ownership) can be masked if there is an overly simplistic focus on ethnicity, proficiency in English or recency of arrival. Another recognised problem with respect to data integrity is the manner in which temporary residents are reported within the ABS Census of Population and Housing (Hugo 2004). They are categorised as either: (a) visitors because they indicate that they will be in Australia for less than a year: this results in their being excluded from most census data; or (b) residents because they indicate they will be in Australia for more than one year. This means they are included with permanent settlers who have arrived in recent years. In June 2006, around 118 000 temporary visa holders and another 208 000 student visa holders were included in migration intakes to Australia for the preceding year. In other words, based on 2005-06 total migration intake numbers of 483 300 persons, two out of three were either student or temporary visa holders and might, or might not, have been included as permanent settlers in the 2006 ABS Census. It is generally recognised that some people are coming to Australia for significant periods of time with no intention of settling in the long term or on a permanent basis (Hugo 2004). They are employed, attend educational institutions, enter into long-term housing arrangements, and influence different types of demand for housing. They are a significant part of the population in particular areas where they also create substantial demand for goods and services. While there is an obvious need for differentiation between these quite separate groups of people, it is not currently possible to do so. Their numbers are not insubstantial. For example, temporary business (subclass 457) visas were granted to some 39 800 primary applicants in 2005-06, an increase of around 42 per cent over the previous year (DIMA 2006c:13). When accompanying partners and children are included, this intake would have exceeded an estimated 80 000 persons. By far the superior source of data on the social costs and benefits of migration is the Longitudinal Survey of Immigrants to Australia (LSIA). This data set provides not only insights into migrant early settlement experiences that have not previously been available in any other national data set but also is comparatively robust. Migrants arriving between September 1993 and August 1995 (LSIA 1) were interviewed three times: the first interview (Wave 1) was approximately five to six months after arrival, the second interview (Wave 2) one year later, and the third interview (Wave 3) a further two years later. In order to evaluate the effects of policy changes since 1996 (mainly the extension to two years of the period that migrants have to wait before being eligible for social security benefits), a second set of migrants was interviewed (LSIA 2). These migrants arrived between September 1999 and August 2000. This sample was interviewed twice: the first interview was again five to six months after arrival (Wave 1) and the second interview (Wave 2) one year later. Stratified by major visas groups and individual countries of birth, LSIA 1 comprised 5 192 primary applicants and LSIA 2 comprised 3 124 primary applicants. The sample provided good representation of the total immigrant population during these periods in terms of estimates of percentages for visa eligibility categories.1
2). In addition, some groups such as immigrants under the age of 15 at the time of arrival, New Zealand citizens, immigrants who had special eligibility visas (for example, former Australian citizens), and citizens who did not have an identifiable country of birth were excluded. Also excluded were onshore migrants including students. For instance, in 2004-05, about 35 per cent of the 41 180 Skilled Independent visas granted were to overseas students2. The number of Skilled Independent visas planned for 2005-06 and 2006-07 is about 49 200 for each year (DIMA 2006c). If similar proportions of overseas students are able to ‘convert’ to permanent residency status in future years, the number of on-shore migrants is likely to grow.3
2005 and data from this survey has already been used in Birrell, Hawthorne and Richardson’s (2006) Evaluation of General Skilled Migration Categories (DIMAc 2006:49). With two future survey waves of settlement experiences planned, the LSIA 3 should add extremely relevant material to understanding the social costs and benefits of migration to the existing database. As previously stated, there is variety in indicators of migrant status and ethnicity. These include country of birth, birthplace of parents, language spoken at home, ancestry, and year of arrival. No single measure captures all relevant qualities of the migration experience. In practice, selecting the best possible indicator depends on the issues at hand. For example, for the study of the process of settlement, ‘year of arrival’ is often the most crucial variable. On issues relating to cultural diversity and community integration, ‘ancestry’ and ‘language spoken at home’ may be more important. Bearing in mind this caveat, reviews of quantitative data presented in this report often rely on analyses by country of birth as this is the most consistently collected indicator across a wide range of data sources. Birthplace is not of course a perfect indicator of ethnicity. It is entirely possible, for instance, for a 1 LSIA 1 provides 95 per cent confidence intervals with bounds no more than +/- 5 per cent and LSIA 2 provides 95 per cent confidence with bounds no more than +/- 7 per cent. In addition to primary applicants, the LSIAs also provided information on the impact of migration on the spouses of primary applicants. Some questions were asked in all of the five waves of interviews; others were specific to particular waves. Full details of the sample are available in DIMIA (2002). 2 Migrants on an Australian student visa are able to apply onshore and be fast tracked through the system, particularly if they have qualifications that match the government’s Migrant Occupation in Demand List. 3 More stringent requirements including greater levels of proficiency in English are proposed for introduction after 1 July 2007. person to be born overseas to two Australian parents. Likewise, particularly in a time of globalisation, it is possible for children to be born in countries where their parents happen to be working on a relatively short-term basis. In addition to the LSIAs, results from the 2002 ABS General Social Survey (GSS) (ABS 2003) provide further insights with respect to some social costs and benefits of migration, particularly with regard to data elements measuring aspects of social capital. By way of explanation, an ABS (2004b) Information Paper provided a framework and indicators for measuring social capital within an Australian context. (The complete list of elements of the framework that have been addressed to date is given in Appendix 1 of the ABS (2006a) publication Aspects of Social Capital). Two current ABS publications (ABS 2003, 2006a) present information for some indicators identified within that framework. Data collected through the GSS for some indicators have been referenced in this report within applicable areas of social impact. While some GSS data suppression by ABS may be necessary due to quality and confidentiality, data that have been and will in future be collected within the devised framework could, it appears, be reported according to whether respondents were born in Australia; born in the main English-speaking countries; born in other countries; proficient in spoken English; and not proficient in spoken English. As previously noted, quality of information with respect to social impacts of immigration would be improved if visa category and length of residence could also be reported from the GSS data set. There are many examples of inconsistency within national databases in the ways that data have been classified and manipulated. For instance, length of residence might be reported as either before or after nominated years or, less favourably, within a certain time frame (such as within the last five years) when actual reference years vary depending, of course, on when a report was written. Increasing tendencies to report country of birth as suggested for GSS data (that is, born in Australia; born in the main English-speaking countries; or born in other countries) have been recognised although simply indicating whether Australia- or overseas-born sometimes further diminishes the relevance of this categorisation. In some situations, countries with prominent data for the discussion topic are identified; at other times all overseas-born are classified according to named countries or global regions of birth. ‘Cultural and linguist diversity’ in this report’s summary tables of data availability usually refers to use by migrants of languages other than English or proficiency in the use of English. Linguistic diversity has been reported in national databases in various ways including English as a second language; level of proficiency in English; language other than English; language spoken at home; mainly English speaking; and non-English speaking. This illustrates the problem of making meaningful comparisons between different data sets. Generally religion could not be referenced even though diversity in religion is recognised as one of the most dramatic changes in Australian post-war society (Hugo 2004). Furthermore, immigrants arriving in Australia during the 1996-2001 period and most likely beyond have been more diverse with respect to religious adherence than either the Australia-born population or migrants of longer standing. Whilst variations in ways data are classified and reported are undoubtedly essential to appropriately address specific topics, the described inconsistencies make comparison or integration of data from a range of sources difficult if not impossible. Standard recording (such as that suggested for GSS data) within all data sets – if necessary in addition to specific needs to inform the topic of discussion – would lend credibility to any genuine intent to better understand the social cost and benefits of immigration. An additional problem presents when examining inter-state and territory variations in, for example, the human capital that migrants contribute to Australia. Data on birthplace cross-classified by social indicators such as age, qualifications, labour force status, income and home ownership are not provided in the 2001 Census other than in the CURF sample. This one per cent data source is unsuitable for the examination of individual birthplace groups by state because the numbers of individuals in some categories are too small to provide statistically reliable information. The only available source of reliable and comprehensive information is to be found in the volumes of the Atlas of the Australian People published in 1999. Although somewhat dated, this information is the best available given that a similar analysis was not conducted on the 2001 Census. Observations about information gaps should be interpreted with caution having in mind qualifications and inconsistencies in reporting methods already outlined4. Of course, data that are available might have been overlooked or, alternatively, might not be accessible in public databases. Notwithstanding qualifications with respect to data integrity and availability pertaining to migrants by comparison with the Australia-born and despite lack of focussed attention around social impacts of immigration in the literature, substantial amounts of relevant material both in the literature and in national data sets are available. The challenge has been to track down and synthesise this material in a coherent framework. 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