Commerce
Figuig experienced tremendous commercial prosperity in the days of caravan expeditions until the closure of the Algerian border.(Figuig Interviews, 2005) Figuig had two main advantages that enabled it to become an important commercial center; location and heritage. First, its geographical location proved extremely important to its prosperity. It was positioned at the crossroads of the Tafilalt and Sijilmassa caravan route. Travel to and from, perhaps the wealthiest city in Morocco, Fez often required passage through Figuig as it was the location of the end of the road that intersected with the caravan route and other busy crossings.
The second advantage was its ethnic makeup. Figuig’s population is a rich mix of Berbers, Arabs, Jews and Haratins. These ethnic groups maintained commercial links with their lands of origin providing Figuig with access to a variety of products from Fez to Timbuktu. Commerce in Figuig was based mainly on wholesale trade where provisions being exchanged between locals and passing travelers would supply an individual or merchant for months at a time (Bencherifa et al. 1992).
Society
The Oasis was densely populated, averaging 26 people per hectare of irrigated land, and growth was limited by its resource base and its physical boundary with the Sahara and the Atlas Mountains (Gassem, 1986). The community has traditionally been divided into physical clusters surrounded by high walls that defined the boundaries of Ksars (groups of ethnically grouped tribes). To further solidify each Ksar’s unique identity and protect themselves from outside forces, i.e. political, social, and physical, the Ksar is delineated by a fortress like structure. These are reminders of the divisions that resulted from a continual battle for survival in the oasis.
Each traditional farm is located at the edge of the city. In fact, the Ksar is not an extension of the farm. There has been development in recent years beyond the Oasis limits. New homes and farms have been established following untraditional farming methods. The sustainability of Figuig as an oasis, is attributed in great part to its diversified economy, supported by agriculture and other trade. While the farms are physically separated, the city is an extension of the farm only to the extent that the buildings protect food, tools, etc. Each Ksar stands on its own as a center for commerce, artisan craft and trade, and cultural life. The Ksars were able to develop as true urban centers with the proliferation of schools, libraries, and religious organizations (zaouias) that supported a strong cultural life.
Each home in Figuig is an important part of the Ksar supporting the structure and the rich culture and traditions of the community.(Figuig Interviews, 2005) Each home has specific characteristics; the house contains many rooms on numerous levels (often 18 rooms or more divided among three or four levels) around a courtyard with arcades and columns. They house numerous generations of a single family, a cow and/or goats for the daily milk requirements, and a donkey for transportation. The house is constructed of clay bricks and palm timbers. Stones are only used in the foundation and base of the walls to protect them from rain water. Stone was not used in the construction of the walls because of its poor thermal properties.
Figure 11: Typical house
The disparity in economic and political power between the Ksars was pronounced by, and resulted in divisions along ethnic, religious and cultural lines supporting a distinct lineage, whereby Ksars were eventually identified by family. At the interior of the Ksar there was a social hierarchy where the nobility and religious authorities occupied the top tier. Lineage, perhaps played the greatest role in determining wealth and power. The three distinct classes include: Shorfa; those who claim to be descendents of the prophet; Aouam (commons), the Berbers; and Haratins, the descendents of black slaves.(Figuig Interviews, 2005)
Intermarriage between members of different Ksars was not accepted and extremely rare. While it is unheard of for a Haratin individual to marry outside of the Haratin class, there were few cases where an individual from the Shorfa married a member of the Aouam. Until recently marriage across Ksars was more reprehensible than marriage across ethnic lines within the same Ksar (Marriage outside of Figuig was unheard of). The main reason was for fear of wealth transfer from one Ksar to another through inheritance, mainly of water rights which were often at the center of bloody disputes between the Ksars.(Figuig Interviews, 2005) Thus, relations between Ksars were limited to administrative necessities and commercial viability.
These Ksars remain in place today each with a pronounced ethnic and social heritage distinct from its neighbors in the oasis. Each of the seven Ksars is further distinguished by their location on the upper and lower plains. A balance of power among these emerged as the inhabitants of the plains, and the inhabitants of the plateau organized themselves to establish power politically, socially, culturally, economically, and physically. The resulting competitiveness, however, resulted in a drive for power that supported a culture of productivity.
The Ksar itself remains a political entity, whereby each maintains its political identity with a mini-jmaâ (assembly). This administrative, decision-making council is comprised of a representative body of prominent individuals from each family in the Ksar. These individuals preside over issues affecting the Ksar. The Ksar jmaâ is composed of representatives of each Ksar who are appointed for life terms. The number of representatives appointed by each Ksar varies relative to its prominence. Zenaga’s jmaâ, for example, has nine representative council members.(Figuig interviews, 2005)
The jmaâ is responsible for the appointment of judges (cadis). The cadis, in turn are responsible for administering common law as is drawn mainly from the Sunni branch of Islamic law. These judges also provide insight and advice to representatives of the Jmaâ of the Ksar.
The Jmaâ became the main social, political, and economic body that governed Figuig. Figure 12 shows the town square where the Jmaâ held its meetings publicly until recently. The square is also called Jmaâ. In an effort to remain transparent the Jmaâ acts as arbiter in a public hearing with respect to all issues with the exception of those involving civil law.
The local cadi (judge) is charged with presiding over legal disputes involving shariâ (Islamic law) and orf (tradition and customs).
Figure 12: Jmaâ square where Jmaâ held meetings
Traditionally, there were numerous cadis in each Ksar. This changed when the central government of Morocco tightened its control over Figuig after Morocco declared its independence from France. As the King attempted to expand his influence only one cadi, appointed by dahir (King’s executive order), was charged with administering civil law throughout Figuig. The other cadis then focused their attention on the internal affairs of their respective Ksars. This system has supported the political independence of each Ksar, while reducing the political leverage of Figuig as a whole.
While each council member of the Ksar presides over issues relevant to its respective Ksar, a general assembly of all the Ksar council members preside over issues that extended beyond the jurisdiction of any single Ksar. Council sessions took place in the Jmaâ, in a clearing at the center of Figuig declared as neutral territory. This is also the location where election polling takes place. Decisions made by the general assembly were binding on all the Ksars. These decision become law, however, only when sanctioned by a supreme counsel composed of marabouts (saints) and chiefs of Zaouias (Zaouia is a religious organization that acted similarly to a tribe). Many dynasties in Morocco originated as Zaouias.
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