Greek Testament Critical Exegetical Commentary Acts》
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20. θυμομαχῶν] It is impossible that Herod should have been at war with the Tyrians and Sidonians, belonging as they did to a Roman province, and he himself being in high favour at Rome:—nor is this implied in our text. The quarrel, however it originated, appears to have been carried out on Herod’s part by some commercial regulation opposed to their interest, dependent as they were on supplies from his territory, ἦν θυμ. is therefore best rendered as in E. V., was highly displeased. ὁμ. παρῆς. viz. by a deputation. Blastus is a Roman name (Wetst. from an inscription), and, from Herod’s frequent visits to Rome, it is likely that he would have Romans as his confidential servants, Blastus was his cubicularius, or præfectus cubiculo (Suet. Dom. 16): see ch. Acts 8:27. εἰρήνην] not (see above) peace, in its strict sense, but reconciliation. διὰ τὸ τρέφεσθαι] We learn from 1 Kings 5:11 that Solomon made presents of wheat and oil to Hiram in return for the cedar and fir-trees for the Lord’s house: and from Ezekiel 27:17, that Judah and Israel exported wheat, honey, oil, and balm (or resin) to Tyre. In Ezra 3:7 also, we find Zerubbabel giving meat, drink, and oil to them of Sidon and Tyre, to bring cedar-trees to Joppa. Mr. Humphry quotes from Bede(62), ‘Tyrii necessariam habebant vicini regis amicitiam, eo quod eorum regio valde angusta et Galilææ Damascique pressa finibus esset,’ An additional reason for their request at this particular time may have been, the prevalence of famine. Verse 21
The circumstance related in our text, of the answer to the Sidonian embassy, of which Josephus seems not to have been aware, having been one object of Herod on the occasion, shews an accuracy of detail which well accords with the view of the material of this part of the Acts having been collected at Cæsarea, where the event happened (see Prolegg. to Acts, § ii. 11). Verse 23
σκωληκόβρωτος] Another additional particular: and one to be expected from a physician. In several cases of deaths by divine judgment we have accounts of this loathsome termination of the disease. So Herodotus, iv. 205, ἡ φερετίμη … ζῶσα εὐλέων ἐξέζεσε: which he alleges as an instance that excessive indulgence of revenge, such as Pheretima had shewn against the Barcæans, is looked on with anger by the gods. See too the very similar account of the death of Antiochus Epiphanes, 2 Maccabees 9:5-9. So also Jos. Antt. xvii. 6. 5, describing the disease of which Herod the Great died, mentions σῆψις σκώληκας ἐμποιοῦσα. So also Euseb. (viii. 16) of the death of Galerius. So also Tertullian, ad Scapulam, c. 3, vol. i. p. 702, Migne, “Claudius Lucius Herminianus in Cappadocia, cum indigne ferens uxorem suam ad hanc sectam transiisse, solusque in Prætorio suo vastatus peste vivus vermibus ebullisset, Nemo sciat, aiebat, ne gaudeant Christiani. Postea cognito errore suo, quod tormentis quosdam a proposito suo excidere fecisset, pæne Christianus decessit.” Verse 24
Verse 25
25.] The journey (ch. Acts 11:30) took place after the death, or about the time of the death, of Herod; see on Acts 12:1. The purpose of the mission would be very soon accomplished: Saul would naturally not remain longer in Jerusalem than was unavoidable, and would court no publicity: and hence there seems an additional reason for placing the visit after Herod’s death: for, of all the persons whose execution would be pleasing to the Jews, Saul would hold the foremost place. Our verse is probably inserted as a note of passage from the last recorded fact of Barnabas and Saul (ch. Acts 11:30), to their being found at Antioch (Acts 13:1). ἰωάνν.] See above on Acts 12:12. 13 Chapter 13 Verse 1 Acts 13:1.] The τινες of the rec. has been interpolated, to make it appear that the persons mentioned were not the only prophets and teachers at Antioch. The enumeration is probably inserted on account of the solemnity of the incident about to be related, that it might be known who they were, to whom the Holy Spirit entrusted so weighty a commission. That those enumerated were all then present, is implied by the τε … καί: see ch. Acts 1:13. προφῆται] See on ch. Acts 11:27. διδάσκ.] Those who had the χάρισμα διδασκαλίας, see 1 Corinthians 12:28; Ephesians 4:11. They were probably less immediately the organs of the Holy Spirit than the προφῆται, but under His continual guidance in the gradual and progressive work of teaching the Word (see Neander, Pfl. u. L. p. 58). συμεὼν ὁ καλ. νίγερ] Nothing is known of him. From his appellation of Niger, he may have been an African proselyte. λούκιος] A Lucius, probably the same person, is mentioned Romans 16:21 as a συγγενής of Paul. There is no reason to suppose him the same with λουκᾶς (Lucanus),—but the contrary; for why should Paul in this case use two different names? See Colossians 4:14; 2 Timothy 4:11; Philemon 1:24 Wetstein, believing them to be the same, quotes Herodotus, iii. 131, πρῶτοι μὲν κροτωνιῆται ἰητροὶ ἐλέγοντο ἀνὰ τὴν ἑλλάδα εἶναι, δεύτεροι δὲ κυρηναῖοι, which certainly is curious enough. ΄αναήν] The same name with Menahem ( ΄αναήμ or - ην LXX) the king of Israel, 2 Kings 15:14. A certain Essene, of this name, foretold to Herod the Great, when a boy going to school, that he should be king of the Jews (Jos. Antt. xv. 10. 5). And in consequence, when he came to the throne, he honoured Manaen, and πάντας ἀπʼ ἐκείνου τοὺς ἐσσηνοὺς τιμῶν διετέλει. It is then not improbable that this Manaen may have been a son of that one: but see below. The Herod here meant was Antipas, who with his brother Archelaus (both sons of Herod the Great by Malthace a Samaritan woman, see Matthew 14:1, note) παρά τινι ἰδιώτῃ τροφὰς εἶχον ἐπὶ ῥώμης, Antt. xvii. 1. 3. Both were at this time exiles, Antipas at Lyons, Archelaus at Vienne. σύντροφος] Probably ‘collactaneus’ (Vulg.), foster-brother; not, ‘brought up with,’ for, if he had been brought up with Antipas, he would also have been with Archelaus: see above. In this case, his mother may have called her infant by the name of the person who had brought the Essenes into favour with Herod, and no relationship with that person need have existed. σαῦλος] mentioned last, perhaps because the prophets are placed first, and he was not one, but a teacher: or it may be, that he himself furnished the account. This circumstance, which has been objected to by some as invalidating the accuracy of the account, is in fact an interesting confirmation of it, as being eminently characteristic of him who spoke as in 1 Corinthians 15:9; 2 Corinthians 12:6; Ephesians 3:8. See Baumgarten’s striking remarks on this, vol. ii. p. 7 ff. From the arrangement of the copulæ, it would seem as if Barnabas, Symeon, and Lucius were prophets,—Manaen and Saul, teachers. Verses 1-28 Acts 13:1 to Acts 14:28.] FIRST MISSIONARY JOURNEY OF PAUL AND BARNABAS. Henceforward the history follows Saul (or Paul, as he is now (Acts 13:9) and from this time denominated), his ministry, and the events of his life, to the exclusion (with the sole exception of the council in ch. 15) of all the other Apostles. Verse 2
2. λειτουργούντων] The general word for the priestly service among the Jews, to which now had succeeded that of προφῆται and διδάσκαλοι in the Christian church: ministering is therefore the only word adequate to render it, as E.V. after the Vulg. ‘ministrantibus Domino:’—more closely to define it is not only impracticable, but is narrowing an expression purposely left general. Chrys. explains it by κηρυττόντων,—alii aliter: and the Romanist expositors understand the sacrifice of the mass to be meant; but in early times the word had no such reference (see reff., and Suicer sub voce). εἶπεν τὸ πν. τὸ ἅγ.] viz. by one of the prophets present, probably Symeon or Lucius: see above. The announcement being to the church, and several persons being mentioned, we can hardly, with Meyer, suppose it to have been an inner command merely to some one person, as in the case of Philip, ch. Acts 8:29. δή gives precision and force to the command, implying that it was for a special purpose, and to be obeyed at the time: see reff. τὸ ἔργον] Certainly, by Acts 13:4, we may infer that there had been, or was simultaneously with this command, a divine intimation made to Barnabas and Saul of the nature and direction of this work. In general, it had already been pointed out in the case of Saul, ch. Acts 9:15; Acts 22:21; Acts 26:17. It consisted in preaching to the Gentiles the unsearchable riches of Christ, Ephesians 3:8. In virtue of the foundation of the Gentile churches being entrusted to them, Saul and Barnabas become after this Apostles, not vice versa; nor is there the least ground for the inference that this was a formal extension of the apostolic office, the pledge of its continuance through the episcopacy to the end of time. The apostolic office terminated with the apostolic times, and by its very nature, admitted not of continuance: the episcopal office, in its ordinary sense, sprung up after the apostolic times (see the remarkable testimonies cited by Gieseler, I. i. p. 115 f. note, from Jerome on Titus 1:5, vol. vii. p. 694 f., and Aug(63) Epist. lxxxii. ad Hieron. 33, vol. ii. p. 290): and the two are entirely distinct. The confusion of the two belongs to that unsafe and slippery ground in church matters, the only logical refuge from which is in the traditional system of Rome. See the curious and characteristic note in Wordsw., in which he attempts to prove the identity of the two offices: and compare with it the words of Jerome, on Titus 1:5, p. 695 f., “Episcopi noverint se magis consuetudine quam dispositionis dominicæ veritate presbyteris esse majores, et in commune debere ecclesiam regere.” Verse 3
ἐπιθ. τ. χ. αὐτ.] See on ch. Acts 6:6. Verse 4
σελεύκειαν] A very strong fortified city (supposed impregnable, Strabo, xvi. p. 751), fifteen miles from Antioch,—on the Orontes, and five miles from its month. It was founded and fortified by Seleucus Nicator (Strabo, xvi. 749), who was buried there (Appian, Syr. 63). It was called seleucia ad mare,—and Pieria, or ἡ ἐν πιερίᾳ, from Mount Pierius, on which it was built, to distinguish it from other Syrian towns of the same name. This mountain is called Coryphæus, Polyb. v. 59, where is a minute description of the town and its site. Among other particulars he mentions, πρόσβασιν δὲ μίαν ἔχει κατὰ τὴν ἀπὸ θαλάττης πλευρὰν κλιμακωτὴν καὶ χειροποίητον, ἐγκλίμασι καὶ σκαλώμασι πυκνοῖς καὶ συνεχέσι διειλημένην. This excavated way is to this day conspicuous amongst the ruins of the city. It was under the Seleucid kings the capital of a district Selencis,—and, since Pompey’s time, a free city, Strabo, xvi. 751. Plin. Acts 13:21 (Winer, Realw.; and Mr. Lewin, Life of St. Paul, from an art, by Col. Chesney in the Geogr. Society’s Transactions.) εἰς κύπρον] The lofty outline of Cyprus is visible from the mouth of the Orontes (C. and H., edn. 2, i. p. 164). see below, Acts 13:7. It was the native country of Barnabas,—and, as John Mark was his kinsman, they were likely to find more acceptance there than in other parts. Verse 5
5.] Salamis was the nearest port to Seleucia on the eastern side of the island. It had a good harbour ( λιμένα ἔχουσα κλαυστὸν χειμερινόν, Scylax, Peripl. p. 41). It was the residence of a king anciently (Herod. iv. 162), and always one of the chief cities of the island. There were very many Jews there, as appears by there being more than one synagogue. Their numbers may have been increased by the farming of the copper-mines by Augustus to Herod. On the insurrection of the Jews in the reign of Trajan, Salamis was nearly destroyed, and they were expelled from the island. Its demolition was completed by an earthquake in the reign of Constantine, who (or his immediate successors) rebuilt it and gave it the name of Constantia. The ruins of this latter place are visible near the modern Famagosta, the Venetian capital of the island (Winer, Realw., and C. and H. pp. 171, f.). ὑπηρέτην] Probably for the administration of baptism: see also 1 Corinthians 1:14-17. Verse 6
τινὰ μάγον, κ. τ. λ.] On the prevalence of such persons at this time, see ch. Acts 8:9, note. The Roman aristocracy were peculiarly under the influence of astrologers and magicians, some of whom were Jews. We read of such in connexion with Marius, Pompey, Crassus, Cæsar,—and later with Tiberius: and the complaints of Horace and Juvenal shew how completely, and for how long a time, Rome was inundated with Oriental impostors of every description. See Hor. Sat. i. 2.1; Juv. Sat. iii. 13–16; vi. 542–546; x. 93, and C. and H. pp. 177 ff. βαριησοῦς] He had given himself the Arabic title of Elymas, ‘the wise man’ (from the same root as the Turkish ‘Ulemah’), interpreted ὁ μάγος in our text. Verse 7
7. τῷ ἀνθυπάτῳ] The Greek term for the Latin ‘proconsul,’ the title of the governor of those provinces which were (semblably) left by the emperors to the government of the senate and people. The proconsul was appointed by lot, as in the times of the republic; carried with him the lictors and fasces as a consul: but had no military power, and held office only for a year (Dio Cass. liii. 13). This last restriction was soon relaxed under the emperors, and they were retained five or even more years. The imperial provinces, on the other hand, were governed by a military officer, a Proprætor ( ἀντιστράτηγος) or Legatus ( πρεσβευτής) of the Emperor who was girded with the sword, and not revocable unless by the pleasure of the Emperor. The minor districts of the imperial provinces were governed by Procurators ( ἐπίτροποι). (C. and H. pp. 173 ff.: Dio Cassius, liii. 13, 15: Merivale, Hist. of the Romans under the Empire, ch. 32) The title ἡγεμών, used in the N. T. of the procurator of Judæa, of the legatus of Syria, and of the emperor himself, is a general term for any governor. But we never find the more definite title of ἀνθύπατος assigned in the N. T. to a legatus. Cyprus, as Dio Cassius informs us, liii. 12, was originally an imperial province, and consequently was governed by a proprætor or legatus (so also Strabo, xiv. 685, γέγονε στρατηγικὴ ἐπαρχία καθʼ αὑτὴν … ἐγένετο ἐπαρχία ἡ νῆσος, καθάπερ καὶ νῦν ἐστι, στρατηγική): but immediately after he relates that Augustus ὕστερον τὴν κύπρον κ. τὴν γαλατίαν τὴν περὶ νάρβωνα τῷ δήμῳ ἀπέδωκεν, αὐτὸς δὲ τὴν δαλματίαν ἀντέλαβε. And in liv. 4, repeating the same, he adds, καὶ οὕτως ἀνθύπατοι καὶ ἐς ἐκεῖνα τὰ ἔθνη πέμπεσθαι ἤρξαντο. The title of Proconsul is found on Cyprian coins, both in Greek and Latin. (See C. and H. p. 187, who give an inscription (Boeckh, No. 2632) of the reign of Claudius, A.D. 52, mentioning the ἀνθύπατοι, a former and a present one, Julius Cordus and L. Annius Bassus.) Nothing more is known of this Sergius Paulus. Another person of the same name is mentioned by Galen, more than a century after this, as a great proficient in philosophy. He was of consular rank, and is probably the Sergius Paulus who was consul with L. Venuleius Apronianus, A.D. 168, in the reign of M. Aurelius. Another S. P. was one of the consules suffecti in A.D. 94: but this could hardly have been the same. Verse 8
Verse 9
9. ὁ καὶ παῦλος] This notice marks the transition from the former part of his history, where he is uniformly called Saul, to the latter and larger portion, where he is without exception known as Paul. I do not regard it as indicative of any change of name at the time of this incident, or from that time: the evidence which I deduce from it is of a different kind, and not without interest to enquirers into the character and authorship of our history. Hitherto, our Evangelist has been describing events, the truth of which he had ascertained by research and from the narratives of others. But henceforward there is reason to think that the joint memoirs of himself and the great Apostle furnish the material of the book. In those memoirs the Apostle is universally known by the name PAUL, which superseded the other. If this was the first incident at which Luke was present, or the first memoir derived from Paul himself, or, which is plain, however doubtful may be the other alternatives, the commencement of that part of the history which is to narrate the teaching and travels of the Apostle Paul,—it would be natural that a note should be made, identifying the two names as belonging to the same person. The καί must not be understood as having any reference to Sergius Paulus, ‘who also (as well as Sergius) was called Paul.’ Galen (see above) uses the same expression in speaking of his Sergius Paulus: σέργιός τε, ὁ καὶ παῦλος.…, and then, a few lines down, calls him ὁ παῦλος. It signifies that Paulus was a second name borne by Saul, in conformity with a Jewish practice as old as the captivity (or even as Joseph, see Genesis 41:45), of adopting a Gentile name. Mr. Howson traces it through the Persian period (see Daniel 1:7; Esther 2:7), the Greek (1 Maccabees 12:16; 1 Maccabees 16:11; 2 Maccabees 4:29), and the Roman (Acts 13:1; ch. Acts 1:23; Acts 18:8, &c.), and the middle ages, down to modern times. Jerome has conjectured that the name was adopted by Saul in memory of this event: ‘Diligenter attende, quod hic primum Pauli nomen inceperit. Ut enim Scipio, subjecta Africa, Africani sibi nomen assumpsit, et Metellus, Creta insula subjugata, insigne Cretici suæ familiæ reportavit;—et imperatores nunc usque Romani ex subjectis gentibus Adiabenici, Parthici, Sarmatici nuncupantur: ita et Saulus ad prædicationem gentium missus, a primo ecclesiæ spolio Proconsule Sergio Paulo victoriæ suæ tropæa retulit, erexitque vexillum ut Paulus diceretur e Saulo.’ (In Ep. ad Philemon 1:1, vol. vii. pp. 746 f.) It is strange that any one could be found capable of so utterly mistaking the character of St. Paul, or of producing so unfortunate an analogy to justify the mistake. (I may observe that Wordsw.’s apology, that Jerome does not say that the Apostle gave himself this name on this account, is distinctly precluded by Jerome’s language, “erexitque vexillum ut Paulus diceretur e Saulo.” This Wordsw., translating the final words “and instead of Saul was called Paul,” has missed seeing. Notice too Augustine’s “amavit,” below.) It is yet stranger that Augustine should, in his Confessions (viii. 4, vol. i. p. 753), adopt the same view: ‘Ipse minimus Apostolorum tuorum … ex priore Saulo Paulus vocari amavit, ob tam magnæ insigne victoriæ.’ (Elsewhere Augustine gives another, but not much better reason: ‘Paulus Apostolus, cum Saulus prius vocaretur, non ob aliud, quantum mihi videtur, hoc nomen elegit, nisi ut se ostenderet parvum, tanquam minimum Apostolorum.’ De Spir. et Lit. c. 7, vol. x. p. 207.) So also Olshausen. A more probable way of accounting for the additional name is pointed out by observing that such names were often alliterative of or allusive to the original Jewish name:—as Grotius in his note: ‘Saulus qui et Paulus: id est, qui, ex quo cum Romanis conversari cœpit, hoc nomine, a suo non abludente, cœpit a Romanis appellari. Sic qui Jesus Judæis, Græcis Jason (or Justus, Colossians 4:11): Hillel, Pollio: Onias, Menelaus (Jos. Antt. xii. 5. 1): Jakim (= Eliakim), Alcimus. Apud Romanos, Silas, Silvanus, ut notavit Hieronymus: Pasides, Pansa, ut Suetonius in Crassitio: Diocles, Diocletianus: Biglinitza, soror Justiniani, Romane Vigilantia.’ ἀτενίσας εἰς αὐτόν] It seems probable that Paul never entirely recovered his sight as before, after the δόξα τοῦ φωτὸς ἐκείνου. We have several apparent allusions to weakness in his sight, or to something which rendered his bodily presence contemptible. In ch. Acts 23:1, the same expression, ἀτενίσας τῷ συνεδρίῳ, occurs, and may have some bearing (see note there) on his not recognizing the high priest. See also Galatians 4:13; Galatians 4:15; Galatians 6:11, and 2 Corinthians 12:7; 2 Corinthians 12:9, and notes. The traditional notices of his personal appearance (see C. and H. p. 181, note) represent him as having contracted and overhanging eyebrows. Whatever the word may imply, it appears like the graphic description of an eye witness, who was not Paul himself. So also περιάγων ἐζήτει χειραγωγούς, below. Verse 10
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