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RIGHTS HELDAUTHOR William Jay Risch TITLE The Ukrainian West Culture and the Fate of Empire in Soviet Lviv CATEGORY history monograph NUMBER OF PAGES 332 11 halftones, 5 tables PUBLICATION MONTH June AUTHOR BIO William Risch was born in Ohio in 1967. Educated at Hiram College and Ohio State University he is now Associate Professor of History at Georgia College and State University. This is his first book. BOOK DESCRIPTION Examines the ways in which Lviv became the Soviet Union’s window on the West and challenged Soviet hegemony with its identity as a Ukrainian nationalist city. Issues of ethnicity, language, and culture helped orient Lviv toward Europe rather than Moscow. On the eve of the Soviet Union’s collapse, western television cameras panned images of separatist rallies in Baltic republic capitals and lively political debates in Moscow and Leningrad. But before these crowds dismantled monuments to Lenin, residents of the western Ukrainian city of Lviv tore down theirs in 1990. That same year, Lviv was the first major city outside the Baltic republics to elect a non-communist government. Its residents mobilized support for Ukraine’s independence, which brought the Soviet Union down. The Ukrainian West argues that Soviet politics of empire unintentionally created this anti-Soviet city. Lviv became Soviet, yet also more bourgeois, western, and nationalist than other Soviet cities. Outsiders viewed its new Ukrainian residents as sympathetic to Western Ukraine’s postwar nationalist insurgency. Connections with Poland, Central Europe, and diaspora Ukrainians produced a Soviet abroad like that in the Baltic republics. Despite censorship and periodic repression, compromises over Ukrainian language use, high culture, historical memory, and popular culture made Lviv Ukrainian and sustained Soviet rule. Nonetheless, informal groups of students, intellectuals, and other young people who came of age in the post-Stalin era challenged these compromises. Such compromises quickly evaporated in the Gorbachev era as Lvivians, free of coercion and already perceived as nationalist and more western, used the politics of culture to argue for greater Ukrainian sovereignty. Harvard Historical Studies, 174 RIGHTS HELDAll rights in all languages AUTHOR Joe Roman TITLE A Wild American Dream How Saving Endangered Species Can Save Us CATEGORY environmentalism trade NUMBER OF PAGES PUBLICATION MONTH May AUTHOR BIO Joe Roman was born in Queens, New York in 1963. Educated at Harvard and the University of Florida, Gainsville, he is now a Fellow at the Gund Institute for Ecological Economics at the University of Vermont. He is the author of Whale published by Reaktion Books in 2006. BOOK DESCRIPTION Challenges the widely held belief that protecting species is too costly and shows that protecting species can often result in win-win situations where both human and natural communities thrive. This book examines the success of the Endangered Species Act, and how things have changed since it was passed in 1973. New conservation efforts, including the genetic rescue of the Florida panther and the capturing of every wild California condor, have been bold and mostly successful. Climate change now casts a shadow on all of these efforts, and may ultimately bring conservation and economics together, the threat casting a pall over all of them. It may be underfunded and at times mismanaged, but the Endangered Species Act is an unprecedented attempt to delegate human-caused extinction to history. It is a zero-tolerance law: no new extinctions. It keeps eyes on the ground with legal backing--the gun may be in the holster most of the time, but it’s available if necessary, to keep species from disappearing. As Roman discovered in my travels, a law that protects all animals and plants, all of nature, might be as revolutionary, and as American, as the Declaration of Independence.” RIGHTS HELDAll rights in all languages AUTHOR Sophia Rosenfeld TITLE Common Sense A Political History CATEGORY political science trade NUMBER OF PAGES 346 14 halftones PUBLICATION MONTH May AUTHOR BIO Sophia Rosenfeld was born in New York City in 1966. educated at Princeton and Harvard she is now Associate Professor in the Department of History at the University of Virginia. She is the author of A Revolution in Language: The Politics of Signs in Late Eighteenth-Century France published by Stanford in 2001. BOOK DESCRIPTION A definitive history of "Common Sense"- the idea that 'the people' possess a shared sense of basic truth that traces how that concept came to be a central element of American democratic politics from the eighteenth century on. Common sense is a recurrent touchstone for American politics. The American Revolution began in 1776 with Tom Paine’s vital revolutionary pamphlet, Common Sense. Today, common sense - the wisdom of ordinary people, the knowledge that is so self-evident as to be beyond debate - remains a powerful political ideal. But we don’t often ask either where our faith in common sense comes from or what role it has played in democratic politics. This book explores this phenomenon and makes the argument that it is impossible to understand the current resurgence of populist sentiment without an account of the long and fraught union of democracy and common sense. The story begins nearly a century earlier than Thomas Paine and a continent away: in London in the aftermath of the Glorious Revolution, when common sense first became a political ideal worth struggling over. Rosenfeld’s account then wends its way through a variety of Enlightenment urban centers as she looks closely at the remarkable individuals who appropriated the old idea of common sense and the new strategic uses they made of it. In Aberdeen at the middle of the eighteenth century, we meet a small group of conservative Scottish ministers and professors, the so-called Common Sense philosophers, who developed a new account of the intellectual capacity of ordinary people as part of a defense of the status quo. We encounter the opposite in Amsterdam: a mid-century demimonde of defrocked priests, libertines, and other adventurers who found in a French variant of common sense a means to trumpet the cause of religious and sexual liberation. Then, crossing the Atlantic, we arrive in Paine’s adopted home of Philadelphia to witness the crafting the common sense of the collectivity into the foundation for an entirely new conception of self-rule. Paine, together with the framers of the Pennsylvania Constitution of 1776, invented the progressive populism that has been a recurrent theme in American political life ever since. But then we return to Paris, where, in the early 1790s, a small coterie of priests and counter-revolutionary hack writers used the idea of common sense to orchestrate a backlash against revolutionary reason and to create a form of reactionary populism that has had its own, long, international afterlife. The book’s final section traces the fate of common sense in the age of mass politics. The story culminates in the political philosopher Hannah Arendt’s claim that common sense—as first imagined in the eighteenth century—should be seen, in the wake of World War II, as both the foundation and the goal of any truly democratic politics. Was Arendt right? What this book makes apparent is that the very idea of a collective or ‘common’ sense was every bit as important for the creation of experiments with democracy across the eighteenth-century Atlantic world as was the much more familiar idea of the rational individual. It reshaped perceptions both of ‘the people’ and of the nature of politics itself. But once new conceptions of popular sovereignty began to be put into practice, common sense—as political idea and as political expression—became a perennial threat to the survival of democracy, bolstering the exclusion of unpopular voices, limiting debate, and aiding demagoguery. Common Sense provides a new reading of the Enlightenment and the Age of Revolutions on both sides of the northern Atlantic. 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