The tournament, June 30, 1559. Henry mortally wounded by Montgomery's
lance. His death.
On the thirtieth of June,2 when the sports of the day were about
ending, the gay monarch must needs re-enter the lists in person, and
break another lance in honor of Diana of Poitiers, whose colors he wore.
The queen had indeed begged him to avoid, for that day at least, the
dangerous pastime; she had been terrified, so she said, by one of those
strangely vivid dreams that wear, after the event, so much of the guise
of prophetic sight.3 But Henry made light of her fears, and closed
his ears to her warning. His choice of an antagonist fell upon
Montgomery, captain of his Scottish archers; and although the latter
begged leave to decline the perilous honor, the king refused to excuse
him.4 At the appointed signal, the knights rode rapidly to the rude
encounter. But Henry's visor was not proof against the lance of
1 "Paix blasmable, dont les flambeaux de joye furent les
torches funèbres du roy Henry II." Mém. de Tavannes, ii. 242.
2 "The last of this present." Throkmorton to Council, June
30 and July 1, 1559. Forbes, State Papers, i. 151. So in a subsequent
letter, relating a message to him from the constable on July 1st, he
speaks of "the mischaunce happened the daie before to the king." Ibid.,
3 Hist. ecclés., i. 123, 124. Catharine de' Medici's dream,
in which the Huguenots saw a parallel to that of Pilate's wife, was not
a fabrication of theirs. According to her daughter Margaret, Catharine
had many such visions on the eve of important events. "Mesme la nuict
devant la misérable course de lice, elle songea comme elle voyoit le
feu Roy mon père blessé à l'œil, comme il fust; et estant esveillée,
elle le supplia plusieurs fois de ne vouloir point courir ce jour, et
vouloir se contenter de voir le plaisir du tournoi, sans en vouloir
estre. Mais l'inévitable destin ne permit tant de bien à ce royaume,
qu'il put recevoir cet utile conseil." Mémoires de Marguerite de Valois
(edition of French Hist. Soc.), 42.
4 Pierre de Lestoile, 14.
Montgomery, and either broke or was unclasped in the shock. The lance
itself was splintered by the blow, and the piece which Montgomery, in
his surprise and fright, had neglected instantly to lower, entering
above the monarch's eye, penetrated far toward the brain.1 Rescued
from falling, but covered with blood, the wounded prince was hastily
stripped of his armor, amid the loud lamentations of the horror-stricken
spectators, and borne into the magnificent saloon of the Palais des
Tournelles. Here, after lingering a few days, he died on the tenth of July.
It was a month, to the hour, since Henry's visit to parliament.2
The body was laid out in state in the very room appointed for the
nuptial balls. A splendidly wrought tapestry representing the conversion
of St. Paul hung near the remains, but the words, "Saul, Saul, why
persecutest thou me?" embroidered upon it, admitted too pointed an
application, and the cloth was soon put out of sight.3 The public,
however, needed no such
1 Lettere di Principi, iii. 196, apud Ranke, Civil Wars and
Monarchy in France in the 16th and 17th centuries, Am. tr., p. 167. Sir
Nicholas Throkmorton, who alone of the diplomatic corps was an
eye-witness, thus describes the scene in a letter written the same
evening: "Wherat it happened, that the King, after he had ronne a good
many courses very well and faire, meeting with yong Monsieur de Lorges,
capitaine of the scottishe garde, received at the said de Lorge his
hands such a counterbuff, as, the blow first lighting upon the King's
head, and taking away the pannage which was fastened to his hedpece with
yron, he dyd break his staff withall; and so with the rest of the staff
hitting the King upon the face gave him such a counterbuff, as he drove
a splinte right over his eye on his right side: the force of which
stroke was so vehement, and the paine he had withall so great, as he was
moch astonished, and had great ado (with reling to and from) to kepe
himself on horseback; and his horse in like manner dyd somwhat yeld.
Wherupon with all expedition he was unarmed in the field, even against
the place where I stode.... I noted him to be very weake, and to have the sens of all
his lymmes almost benommed; for being caryed away, as he lay along, nothing
covered but his face, he moved nether hand nor fote, but laye as one amased."
Letter to the Council, June 30 and July 1, 1559, Forbes, State Papers, i. 151.
2 Discours de la mort du Roy Henry II., in fine. Recueil
des choses mémorables, and Mém. de Condé, i. 216.
3 Hist. ecclés., i. 123, 124. The singular coincidence is
no invention of the Protestants. It is confirmed by a contemporary
pamphlet by the "king-at-arms of Dauphiny" (Paris, 1559), Le Trespas et
Ordre des Obseques, ... de feu de tresheureuse memoire le Roy Henry
deuxieme, etc., which says: "La dicte salle, ensemble lesdicts
théatres, estoient tendus tout autour d'une tapisserie d'or et de soie à
grandes figures, des actes des apostres." (Reprint of Cimber et Danjou, iii. 317.)
pictorial reminder. The persecutor had been stopped as suddenly in his career
of blood as the young Pharisee near Damascus. But it may be doubted whether
the eyes with which he had sworn to see Anne du Bourg burned beheld such
a vision of glory as blinded the future apostle's vision. It is more than probable,
indeed, that Henry never spoke after receiving the fatal wound;1 although
the report obtained that, as he was carried from the unfortunate tilting-ground,
he turned his bleeding face toward the prison in which the parliament
counsellors were languishing, and expressed fear lest he had wronged
them--a suggestion which the Cardinal of Lorraine hastened to answer by
representing it as a temptation of the Prince of Evil.2
"La Façon de Genève"--the Huguenot service.
The charge of having prayed, or administered the sacrament of
Baptism or of the Lord's Supper, or taken part in the celebration
of Marriage, "according to the fashion of Geneva," so frequently
appears in the documents of the
1 De Thou, ii. 674. Yet Francis II., in the preamble to the
commission as lieutenant-general given to Guise, March 17, 1560, seems
incidentally to vouch for the contrary: "Voire de telle sorte que
nostredit seigneur et père, à son décez, ne nous auroit rien tant
recommandé, que d'user à nosdits subjets de toutes gracieusetez," etc.
Recueil de choses mém., 20. Card. Santa Croce speaks of him as "ita ex
vulnere concussus, ut primo die sensum fere omnem amiserit." De
civilibus Galliæ dissentionibus commentaria (Martene et Durand, Ampliss.
Collectio), v. 1438, 1439.
2 Discours de la mort du Roy Henry II., Recueil des choses
mém., in initio, and Mém. de Condé, i. 213-216; La Planche, 202; La
Place, Commentaires, etc., 20; J. de Serres, De statu rel., etc. (1570),
i., fol. 18; Hist. ecclés., i. 123; De Thou, ii. 674; Davila (Cottrell's
tr.), p. 11; Santa Croce, v. 1438, etc. It is characteristic that so
important a date as that of the fatal tournament should be differently
stated; La Place, the Hist. ecclés., and De Thou making it June 29th.
The confusion is increased by subsequent writers. Motley (Rise of the
Dutch Republic, i. 204) making Henry die on the 10th of July of the
wound inflicted eleven days before, and Prescott (Philip the Second,
i. 295) representing him as lingering ten days and dying on the
ninth of July.
first century after the establishment of the Reformation in France as the
chief offence of its early adherents and martyrs, that it is worth while to
examine in some detail the model of worship that has exerted so important
an influence upon the practice of the Huguenots and their
descendants down to the present time.
While discarding the cumbrous ceremonial of the Roman Church, on
the ground that it was not only overloaded with superfluous
ornament, but too fatally disfigured by irrational, superstitious,
or impious observances to be susceptible of correction or
adaptation to the wants of their infant congregations, the founders
of the reformed churches of the continent did not leave the
inexperienced ministers to whose care these congregations were
confided altogether without a guide in the conduct of divine
worship. Esteeming a written account of the manner in which the
public services were customarily performed to be the safest
directory for the use of the young or ill-equipped, as well as the
surest means of silencing the shameless calumnies of their
malignant opponents, they early framed liturgies, not to be imposed
as obligatory forms, but rather to serve an important end in
securing an orderly conformity in the general arrangement followed
in their churches.
Farel's "Manière et fasson," 1533.
The earliest of these liturgical compositions appears to have been
a small and thin volume of eighty-seven pages, which, as we learn
from the colophon, was "printed by Pierre de Wingle at Neufchâtel,
on the twenty-ninth day of August in the year 1533;" that is to
say, on the same press which, about a twelvemonth later, sent forth
the famous "Placards" against the mass, and a year afterward the
Protestant version of the Bible, translated into French by
Olivetanus. It is entitled "La Manière et fasson qu'on tient ès
lieux que Dieu de sa grace a visités." It was undoubtedly composed
by Guillaume Farel, and, like all the other tracts of that vigorous
and popular reformer, it has become extremely rare. Indeed, the
work was altogether unknown until a single copy, the only one thus
far discovered, was found by Professor Baum, of Strasbourg, in the
Library of Zurich.1
What lends additional interest to the liturgy of Farel, is the
circumstance that it is at the same time, as the modern editor remarks, "the earliest
Confession of Faith of the Reformed Churches, their first apology in answer to
the atrocious, absurd and lying accusations which the hatred of their enemies, especially
among the clergy, had invented at will, or had borrowed from pagan
calumnies against the Christians of the first centuries." "Do they not exclaim," writes
Farel in his preface, "that those accursed dogs of heretics who would uphold
this new law live like beasts, renouncing everything, maintaining neither law
nor faith, abjuring all the sacraments; that
1 Professor Baum published the "Manière et Fasson," on the occasion of the Tercentenary of the French Reformed Church, in 1859, in an elegantly printed pamphlet, itself a fac-simile of the
original in all respects, except the use of Roman in place of Gothic letters. This
pamphlet in turn is out of print, and it is to Professor Baum's kindness
that I am indebted for the copy of which I have made use.
they reject Baptism, and make light of the Holy Table of our Lord; that they despise
the Virgin Mary and the saints, and observe no marriage." To remove the prejudice
thus engendered from the minds of the ignorant, is the chief design of the writer,
who accordingly appeals at each step for his warrant to the Holy Scriptures, and
entreats the reader to have no regard for the antiquity of the abuses he combats,
or for the reputation of their advocates, but simply to examine for himself what
"our good Saviour Jesus has instituted and commanded." The offices are five
in number; for Baptism, Marriage, the Lord's Supper, Preaching, and
the Visitation of the Sick; but to a certain extent, and
particularly in the last-mentioned office, they are little more
than a series of directions for the orderly conduct of worship. In
other cases the service is very fully written out.
Calvin's liturgy, 1542.
Nine years after the publication of this very simple liturgy of
Farel, appeared the first edition of the liturgy of Geneva,
composed by Calvin, or the "Prayers after the fashion of Geneva,"
as they were usually designated by contemporary Roman Catholic
writers. Until recently the first edition was supposed to have been
published in 1543, but Professor Felix Bovet, of Neufchâtel, has
been so fortunate as to find a copy in the Royal Library of
Stuttgart, bearing the date of 1542. This is probably the solitary
remaining specimen of the original impression.1 Although
without name of place, it was doubtless printed in Geneva. The
title is: "La Forme des Prières et Chantz Ecclésiastiques, avec la
Manière d'administrer les Sacremens et consacrer le Marriage, selon
la coustume de l'Eglise Ancienne. M.DXLII."
The following brief sketch will perhaps convey a sufficient idea of the form
"which is ordinarily used" for the public worship of the morning of the Lord's day.
A brief invocation ("Our help be in the name of the Lord who made
heaven and earth") is followed by an exhortation addressed to the
congregation ("My brethren, let each one of you present himself
before the face of the Lord with confession of his faults and sins,
following in his heart my words"). The Confession, which is the
most beautiful and characteristic part of the liturgy, comes next.
Used by Théodore de Bèze and his companions at the Colloquy of
Poissy, with wonderful impressiveness, as preparatory to that
reformer's grand vindication of the creed of the Protestants of
France, it has been imagined by many that it was composed by him
for this occasion. But it had already constituted a part of the
public devotions of the French and Swiss Protestants for eighteen
or twenty years. A Psalm was then sung, and a prayer offered "to
implore God for the grace of His Holy Spirit, to the end
1 Printed with marginal notes giving all modifications in
other early editions in Joh. Calvini Opera (Baum, Cunitz, et Reuss),
1867, v. 164-223--a work which is the result of almost incredible labor
and research. In February, 1868, the distinguished senior editor wrote
to me: "Nous avons dejà maintenant copié de notre main et collationné à
Neufchâtel, à Genève et autres endroits, quelque chose comme six mille
pièces, lettres et consilia et autres calviniana."
that His Word may be faithfully expounded to the honor of His Name and the
edification of the church, and may be received with such humility
and obedience as are becoming." The form is "at the discretion of
the minister." After the sermon comes a longer prayer for all
persons in authority; for Christian pastors; for the enlightenment
of the ignorant and the edification of those who have been brought
to the truth; for the comfort of the afflicted and distressed;1 closing with
supplications for temporal and spiritual blessings in behalf of those present.
The service was concluded by the form of benediction, Numbers, vi. 24-26.
Colladon, in his life of the reformer, tells us that Calvin
"collected (recueillit), for the use of the church of Geneva, the
form of ecclesiastical prayers, with the manner of administering
the sacraments and celebrating marriage, and a notice for the
visitation of the sick, as they are now placed with the Psalms."
(Baum, Cunitz, and Reuss, vi., pp. xvii., xviii.) And Calvin
himself, in his farewell address to his fellow-ministers (April 28,
1564), as taken down from memory by Pinaut, observed: "As to the
prayers for Sunday, I took the form of Strasbourg, and borrowed the
greater part of it." (Adieux de Calvin, Bonnet, Lettres françaises,
ii. 578.) The Strasbourg liturgy to which Calvin here refers was
one which he had himself composed for the use of the French refugee
church of Strasbourg, when acting as its pastor, during his exile
from Geneva (1538-1541). The earliest edition known to be extant is
that of which a single copy exists in the collection of M. Gaiffe,
and of which M. O. Douen has for the first time given an account in
his "Clément Marot et le Psautier huguenot," Paris, 1878, i.
334-339. This Strasbourg liturgy of 1542 (the pseudo-Roman
edition already referred to, p. 275), like that of 1545 (which
Professors Baum, Cunitz, and Reuss described in their edition of
Calvin's works, vi. 174, 175), contains some striking variations
from the Geneva forms. In particular, immediately after the
"Confession of Sins," it inserts these words: "Here the Minister
recites some word of Scripture to comfort consciences, and then
pronounces the absolution as follows:
"Let each one of you recognize himself to be truly a sinner,
humbling himself before God, and believe that our Heavenly Father
will be gracious unto him in Jesus Christ.
"To all those who thus repent and seek Jesus Christ for their
salvation, I declare the absolution of their sins, in the name of
the Father, of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost. Amen."
It was this Strasbourg liturgy of Calvin that was in the hands of
the framers of the English "Book of Common Prayer," and from this
they derived the introductory portion of the daily service.
"According to the first book of Edward VI., that service began with
the Lord's Prayer. The foreign reformers consulted recommended the
insertion of some preliminary forms;
1 The beautiful petitions for "all our poor brethren who are dispersed under
the tyranny of Antichrist," and for prisoners and those persecuted by the
enemies of the Gospel, were not in the original edition, but appear in that
of 1558. Calv. Opera, Baum, Cunitz and Reuss, vi. 177, note.
and hence the origin of the Sentences, the Exhortation, the Confession,
and the Absolution. These elements were borrowed, not from any
ancient formulary, but from a ritual drawn up by Calvin for the church
at Strasbourg." (C. W. Baird, Eutaxia, or the Presbyterian Liturgies:
Historical Sketches, New York, 1855, p. 190.)
The origin of only one of the minor offices of the Geneva liturgy
can be distinctly traced to another and older source. The form for
the celebration of marriage is taken bodily from the "Manière et
Fasson" of Farel, with the omission of two or three unimportant
sentences, and the alteration of a very few words--a trifling
change, dictated in each case by Calvin's keener literary taste.
The form for baptism, Calvin tells us expressly, was somewhat
roughly drafted by himself at Strasbourg, when the children of
Anabaptists were brought to him for baptism from distances of five
or ten leagues around. (Adieux de Calvin, Bonnet, ii. 578.)
The liturgy of Geneva, composed with rapidity under the pressure of
the times, but with the skill and fine literary finish that are
wont to characterize even the most hurried of Calvin's productions,
has maintained its position undisputed to the present time, being
the oldest of existing forms of worship in the reformed churches.
The gradual change in the French language since the date of its
composition has rendered necessary some modernizing of the style
both of the prayers and of the accompanying psalms. These
modifications, much more radical in the case of the metrical
psalms, took place in the eighteenth century, and commended
themselves so fully to the good sense of all French-speaking
Protestants as soon to be everywhere adopted. The MS. records of
the French church in New York (folio 45) contain, under date of
March 6, 1763, a resolution unanimously adopted in a meeting of the
heads of families and communicants, to change "la vielle version
des Pseaumes de David qui est en uzage parmy nous, et de prandre et
introduire dans notre Eglize les Pseaumes de la plus nouvelle
version qui est en uzage dans les Eglises de Genève, Suisse et
Hollande." The liturgy has always been printed at the end of the
psalter, and the change of the one involved that of the other. It
has been noted above that the "Confession of Sins" was the most
characteristic part of Calvin's liturgy. In fact, the initial words
of this confession, "Seigneur Dieu, Père Éternel et
Toutpuissant," came to stand in the minds of the Roman Catholics
who heard them for the entire Protestant service. Bernard Palissy
accordingly tells us (Recepte Véritable, 1563, Bulletin, i. 93)
that a favorite expression of the Roman Catholics from Taillebourg,
when committing all sorts of excesses against the Protestants of
Saintes, was: "Agimus a gagné Père Éternel!" As Agimus was
the first word of the customary grace said at meals by devout Roman
Catholics--"Agimus tibi gratias, omnipotens Deus," etc.--this
apparently enigmatical expression was only a profane formula to
celebrate the triumph of the Roman over the reformed church. See
Bulletin, xii. 247 and 469.
FRANCIS THE SECOND AND THE TUMULT OF AMBOISE.
The victims breathe more freely. Epigrams on the death of Henry.
The plans carefully matured by Henry for the suppression of the reformed
doctrines were disarranged by his sudden death. The expected victims of
the Spanish Inquisition, which he was to have established in France,
breathed more freely. It was not wonderful that the "Calvinists,"
according to an unfriendly historian, preached of the late monarch's
fate as miraculous, and magnified it to their advantage;1 for they
saw in it an interposition of the Almighty in their behalf, as signal as
any illustrating the Jewish annals. Epigrams of no little merit were
composed on the event, and were widely circulated. One likened the lance
of Montgomery to the stone from David's sling, which became "the
unexpected salvation of the saints."2 In another, Henry is the
soldier who pierces the Crucified through the side of those whom He
styles His members; but the impious weapon--such is Heaven's avenging
decree--shall be stained with the murderer's own blood.3 These
verses, and others like them, obtaining great currency, offended the
ears of the late king's favorites and of the devoted adherents of the
Roman Catholic Church, who ceased not for years to pour forth
lamentations over the untimely
1 Davila, p. 20.
2 "Lancea sanctorum tunc inopina salus." Epigram apud Le Laboureur, Additions aux mém.
de Castelnau, i. 276.
3 Sic cruce detractum fixit tua lancea Christum,
Per latus illorum quos sua membra vocat.
At Deus omnipotens, Christi justissimus ultor,
Sanguine, dixit, erit lancea tincta tuo. Ib., ubi supra.
death of Henry the Second, and the ill-starred peace with which it was so