Imperial Hubris: The Dark Heart of Leadership
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Concluding Thoughts As this has been an initial examination of imperial hubris and its related concepts and issues, it perhaps is understandable that there remain more questions to be answered, more avenues to be explored. One issue that was only briefly touched upon here is the relation of imperial hubris to status hierarchies, their symbioses and other dynamics. Another issue touched upon, though left unresolved, is the degree to which hubris, arrogance and entitlement are embedded in our human psyche, DNA and deep culture. That is to say, are these tendencies and dispositions human nature, and, if so, what are the implications of this for schools and other organizations? For to the degree that these are situated in our deep culture, in our DNA, they will be difficult to acknowledge, root out and change. But lest we be overly cynical and simply not attempt this change because the task seems too daunting, we ought to keep in mind that the picture painted here is but one side of the story, a look at the dark heart of leadership. There are countervailing tendencies, such as the counter dominance and social leveling devices mentioned earlier. These processes serve to keep communities and other collectivities more level, more egalitarian and more equal. Rather than their being simply a realization of shadenfraude (taking pleasure in the misfortune of others) directed at those who are somehow positioned above us in social or organizational hierarchies, these social leveling and counter dominance devices serve as societal checks on individuals assuming too much power and status over others. These social processes serve to keep over-sized egos in check—sometimes successfully, sometimes not. The issues surrounding imperial hubris have to do with equality, democracy and social justice. They have to do with how we govern ourselves. It’s ultimately about who we are as people and how we treat one another. That our schools and other organizations may be organized into hierarchical, bureaucratic patterns may be deemed acceptable by some, but it is not acceptable that those occupying the successive hierarchical rungs assume some special privilege because of their position. The presumption or assumption of special privilege and entitlement runs contrary to democratic principles—conviviality based on joint, fair and equal treatment. By naming and recognizing imperial hubris in ourselves, our leaders and our organizations, we may work toward more humane, more equal treatment of all, ourselves included. That we happen to work and live in hierarchically-arranged social groups doesn’t mean we are any less human, any less deserving of respect, any less equal. For those who by chance or fortune occupy higher-level positions in our social structures to assume some type of superiority, for them to either treat others disdainfully or with no consideration at all, should not be tolerated by anyone. To the extent that we support these types of arrangements, attitudes and dispositions or are otherwise complicit, we ourselves surrender our humanity, and allow ourselves to be used as chattel, to be exploited as but a means for someone else to realize their ambitions. This discussion of imperial hubris is meant to raise our awareness of this ubiquitous phenomenon, its reach and the deep-seated effects is has on all of us—not just as teachers, school administrators or students, but as citizens living in complex and complicated societies and struggling for more just and equal social relations. Imperial hubris, as I hope to have made clear, is one of the more insidious, if not predominant, impediments to the achievement of more democratic relationships, more equitable and just social structures. But rather than simply blame the leader for taking advantage of us and his or her position, with its privileges, perks and power, we must all accept responsibility for the systems we create and for the leaders we produce and choose to follow. References Anti-Slavery International. (2012). What is modern slavery? Accessed February 2, 2012 from
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Whyte, W. W. (1956/2002). The organization man. Philadelphia: The University of Pennsylvania Press. Zerubavel, E. (1985). Hidden rhythms: Schedules and calendars in social life. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Zink, C. F., Tong, Y., Chen, Q., Bassett, D. S., Stein, J. L., & Meyer-Lindenberg, A. (2008). Know your place: Neural processing of social hierarchy in humans. Neuron, 58(2), 273-283. 1 In this paper I will offer and support the weaker argument; that is, that different leaders may practice or exhibit varying degrees of imperial hubris, as I’ll define it here. However, I feel obligated to at least introduce the stronger argument for consideration; that is, that leaders, by definition, are possessed of imperial hubris by the simple act of either appointing themselves the/a leader or accepting such a coronation by others who are in position to do so. 2 Simply holding an election, a vote or polling the people—the demos (Biesta, 2010; Rancière, 2010)—does not guarantee that all those affected will have a voice. 3 Hofstede’s other dimensions were uncertainty avoidance, the masculine-feminine, and social distance. 4Language begins to get in the way of free and open thought and discussion, and we must be aware of this: the term leader perforce implies the led. On this point it is worth noting Nietzsche’s observation that “it is not a matter of going ahead [i.e., leading] (--for then one is at best a herdsman, i.e., the herd’s chief requirement), but of being able to go it alone, of being able to be different” (Nietzsche, 1968, p. 196). 5 This report covered only private US colleges and universities; the report over public institutions is released separately at a later date. 6In addition to the structural, our societal and legal conceptions or frames of/for the corporation permit the leader, CEO or other individual executive to skirt accountability, as evidenced by a recent article in The New York Times (Schmidt & Wyatt, 2012), wherein the reporters found that, though the federal government is on track to haul in a record amount of corporate fines and settlements from “pharmaceutical companies, military contractors, banks and other corporations” (p. B1) (“as much as $8 billion this year to resolve charges of defrauding the government”), the government generally isn’t going after the executives of these companies. This has led at least one US senator to take action and to speak out publicly on this issue. Senator Jack Reed is quoted as saying that “‘people . . . are wondering how a company can commit serious violations of securities laws and yet no . . . individual responsibility was assessed’” (ibid.). Critics of the government contend that “the practice of settling fraud cases with companies while not charging any employees might be giving executives an incentive to push the limits of the law. ‘If you are an executive, you know that the chances of getting caught are infinitely small, and the chances of getting caught and prosecuted are even smaller. . . .’” The article noted how “senior executives in particular are often insulated from day-to-day decisions . . . and have learned to steer clear of e-mails or other evidence that might prove that they knew the company was breaking the law.” 7The issue of slavery isn’t simply academic. Anti-slavery International estimates there to be millions and millions of people living in slavery today—from the cocoa fields of Africa, to the cotton fields of Uzbekistan, to migrant and forced labor (and sex trafficking) in the US and elsewhere. http://www.antislavery.org 8 Oliva’s (1989) list of (supervisory) job descriptions (Appendix B, pp. 573-591) includes such phrases as “performs other duties assigned by the Superintendent” (p. 574), “perform such other tasks and assume such other responsibilities as assigned by the Instructional Staff” (p. 577), “performs related duties as required” (p. 579), “to assume any other appropriate duties assigned by the administration” (p. 583). 9 Support for this claim—that the scope and pace of China’s economic growth provides cover for those using/abusing the system—comes from, of all places, Spain, where Spaniards are struggling with the opposite conditions—enforced governmental austerity, high inflation and high unemployment. Corruption trials of federal and municipal officials are becoming much more prevalent and more public. Whether this is because there happens to be more corruption to be rooted out, or whether the increase in prosecutions is due to an increased public interest and willingness to talk about corruption is a question so far left unsolved (Hadden, 2013). One Spanish activist provided an analogy to explain the increased number of prosecutions of corrupt Spanish officials: “‘If there’s a river with lots of water, and some of it gets diverted away, it’s no big deal,’ he said. ‘But if [the] river’s level suddenly drops, and people are thirsty, then we focus on the leaks.’ [Albano] Dante said illegal siphoning of public funds has been going on for years. But since there was money, people could steal and maintain public services. ‘Now that there’s no money for the services, we’re starting to ask questions’” (Hadden, ¶ 14, 15, 16). 10 China has 26% of the world’s 1210 billionaires. Granted, this figure includes those who list their residence as Hong Kong (25 of the 296 Chinese billionaires). (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_countries_by _the_number_of_US_dollar_billionaires) 11 The ill-gotten spoils of corruption can enrich even members of the official’s extended family. Witness the reports out of China of the billions (!) of dollars amassed by the family (mother, brother, son, daughter, wife’s brother and wife) of the prime minister, Wen Jiabao (Barboza, 2012). Familial dynasties (e.g., the Murdochs, the Bushes, the Kennedys) trade in nepotism, cronyism, and leverage by association, and derive from the status and power (real and imagined) we grant ‘leaders,’ ‘superiors,’ ‘our social betters,’ ‘heroes’ and celebrities. 12 Share cropping, in the US and elsewhere, was similar. 13 For those unfamiliar with this tradition: College football in the US has a regular season the fall of each year, after which there is a brief break and other football contests are staged through December and ending around the first of the year. These are the bowl games, which have become corporate and which are highly lucrative. Due to historical particularities, the several bowl organizations (e.g., the Rose Bowl, the Sugar Bowl, the Orange Bowl, the Fiesta Bowl) are semi-autonomous. Appearance in a post-season bowl game can garner tens of millions of dollars for the school and the school’s league. Match ups are arranged in an arcane and non-transparent manner. Some invitations are automatically extended to the leader in the various regional conferences (e.g., the Big Ten, the PAC Ten, the SEC), some invitations are based on the win-loss record, some match ups are simply based on popularity, draw, and potential TV audience. The college football national championship is loosely connected to this whole bowl ‘system.’ 14 “Head-coach-in-waiting” was actually the title given to Brown’s assistant coach and reflects the promises made in order to keep him on staff, as other high-profile programs had expressed an interest in recruiting him to head up their programs. The understanding was that Brown would retire after two years and that Will Muschamp (now head coach at the University of Florida) would take over. After a terrible season and looking to recoup his honor/pride/reputation, Brown reneged on his deal with Muschamp, who was picked up by Florida. Later, Brown fired and replaced most of this more senior coaching staff, as if they were to blame for the dismal seasons (Bohls, 2012). This and like incidents speak to the nature of accountability, or its absence, at the apex of dominance hierarchies. 15 See http://www.eurekalert.org/pub_releases/2010-04/aera-a2p042310.php “This award recognizes exceptional contributions of elected or appointed public officials who have used education research and statistics in shaping policy, and who have provided sustained support for improving the quality of research and statistics” (¶ 1); ironic, isn’t it, that Dr. Hall ‘resigned’ amid federal investigations into wide-spread cheating on the tests throughout the district during her tenure (Dr. Hall received over $500,000 in bonuses during her tenure for the results the district and its schools obtained on the high-stakes tests, money she’ll likely be allowed to keep, as the district leaders have decided it’s not worth the time, effort, and trouble to go after that money). 16 See Waite, Boone and McGhee (2001) for a discussion of some of the issues with high-stakes testing and ‘accountability.’ Download 130.13 Kb. 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