Chicago Debate League 2013/14 Core Files
AC Harms: A/t - #5 “Race isn’t Most Important Issue” [1/2] 183
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- 2AC Harms: A/t - 5 “Race isn’t Most Important Issue” [2/2] 1 84
- 2AC Harms: A/t - 6 “Movement Succeeding Now” [1/2] 1 85
2AC Harms: A/t - #5 “Race isn’t Most Important Issue” [1/2] 1831) Even if other issues have some effect on immigration policy, we have identified the ways that Whiteness uses borders to sustain itself and exterminate non-White Others. We have outlined a method of solving that specific Harm, and there is no impact to leaving other systems of exploitation in place. 2) “Illegal aliens” occupy a space between human and nonhuman, allowing them to be dehumanized. Our plan still eliminates the distinction regardless of what caused it first. JOHNSON, 97 [Kevin, Associate Dean for Academic Affairs and Professor of Law, University of California at Davis School of Law; “"ALIENS" AND THE U.S. IMMIGRATION LAWS: THE SOCIAL AND LEGAL CONSTRUCTION OF NONPERSONS;" 28 U. Miami Inter-Am. L. Rev. 263 1996-1997] The term alien serves as a device that intellectually legitimizes the mistreatment of noncitizens and helps to mask human suffering. Cognitive dissonance theory from psychology, which posits that the human mind strives to reconcile inconsistent phenomena, helps to explain the utility of this intellectual device. 47 Persons have dignity and their rights should be respected. Aliens have neither dignity nor rights. By distinguishing between aliens and persons, society is able to reconcile the disparate legal and social treatment afforded the two groups. To further rationalize the differential mistreatment, aliens may be "racialized," even if they are, at least by appearance, "white."'4 2AC Harms: A/t - #5 “Race isn’t Most Important Issue” [2/2] 1843) Whiteness requires constant purification of itself by exterminating the Other. This makes genocide and global war inevitable. RODRIGUEZ, 7 [Dylan, Professor in Department of Ethnic Studies at UC-Riverside, “AMERICAN GLOBALITY AND THE U. S. PRISON REGIME: STATE VIOLENCE AND WHITE SUPREMACY FROM ABU GHRAIB TO STOCKTON TO BAGONG DIWA”, Kritika Kultura, Issue 9, http://www.ateneo.edu/ateneo/www/UserFiles/121/docs/kkissue09.pdf] Variable, overlapping, and mutually constituting white supremacist regimes have in fact been fundamental to the formation and movements of the United States, from racial chattel slavery and frontier genocide to recent and current modes of neoliberal land displacement and (domestic-to-global) warfare. Without exception, these regimes have been differently entangled with the state’s changing paradigms, strategies, and technologies of human incarceration and punishment (to follow the prior examples: the plantation, the reservation, the neoliberal sweatshop, and the domestic-to-global prison). The historical nature of these entanglements is widely acknowledged, although explanations of the structuring relations of force tend to either isolate or historically compartmentalize the complexities of historical white supremacy. For the theoretical purposes of this essay, white supremacy may be understood as a logic of social organization that produces regimented, institutionalized, and militarized conceptions of hierarchized “human” difference, enforced through coercions and violences that are structured by genocidal possibility (including physical extermination and curtailment of people’s collective capacities to socially, culturally, or biologically reproduce). As a historical vernacular and philosophical apparatus of domination, white supremacy is simultaneously premised on and consistently innovating universalized conceptions of the white (European and euroamerican) “human” vis-à-vis the rigorous production, penal discipline, and frequent social, political, and biological neutralization or extermination of the (non-white) sub- or non-human. To consider white supremacy as essential to American social formation (rather than a freakish or extremist deviation from it) facilitates a discussion of the modalities through which this material logic of violence over-determines the social, political, economic, and cultural structures that compose American globality and constitute the common sense that is organic to its ordering. 2AC Harms: A/t - #6 “Movement Succeeding Now” [1/2] 1851) This denies our own responsibility to act in the face of racism. Even if others are fighting against racism, we have been confronted with its existence and have an obligation to act. Extend our MEMMI evidence. 2) Their evidence proves there is still work to be done. Status quo rallies are provoking backlash because the system is afraid, and now is the critical time to continue the fight. Whiteness works to stoke racial fear and division by creating an economic distinction between citizens and immigrants, denying access to economic benefits to Latina/os. TRUCIOS-HAYNES, 1 [Enid, Professor of Law, Brandeis School of Law of the University of Louisville; “Why "Race Matters:" LatCrit Theory and Latina/o Racial Identity,” La Raza Law Journal, 12:1] Recent legislation reflects this racialized fear of a larger Latina/o population in the United States. For example, anti-immigrant measures such as California’s Proposition 187 would have limited access to public education health and social welfare benefits by undocumented persons in California. Federal legislation limited social welfare benefits to both documented lawful permanent residents as well as undocumented immigrants. Such legislation demonstrates the hysteria of the sentiment that the United States has lost control of its borders, not just because of the problem of undocumented workers coming from Latin America, but because of the color of these workers. Proposals to limit birthright citizenship that is accorded to the United States born children of undocumented persons also exemplify the desire to limit Latina/o participation because U.S citizen children born of undocumented parents is perceived as a Latina/o issue. The Latina/o image is used to increase racial fears when Latinas/os are viewed as an impetus to further balkanization among racial groups. The belief that amendments to the immigration laws have permitted greater immigration of Latinas/os and Asians since 1965, and therefore has caused increased balkanization among racial groups, relies on a Non-White Latina/o identity. The offered antidote to this problem is a limitation on legal immigration. 3) The movement is asking the wrong questions. Race-central analysis is not being incorporated into legal questions regarding immigration. JOHNSON, 2000 [Kevin, Associate Dean for Academic Affairs and Professor of Law, University of California at Davis School of Law; “RACE MATTERS: IMMIGRATION LAW AND POLICY SCHOLARSHIP, LAW IN THE IVORY TOWER, AND THE LEGAL INDIFFERENCE OF THE RACE CRITIQUE;" 2000 U. Ill. L. Rev. 525 2000] Despite the great interest in immigration within communities of color in the legal academy, mainstream immigration law scholarship lags in the serious analysis of race. Race scholarship, on the other hand, tends to ignore legal doctrine. To this point, little effort has been made to link the two strands of scholarship. Rather, traditional and race-immigration scholarship exist almost in two distinct vacuums-separate conferences, separate symposia, and separate discourses."' Immigration law scholars interested in race are attracted to the race conferences where analysis of the influence of race on immigration law is warmly received as opposed to serving as the subject of quiet derision, indifference, and occasional hostility at the traditional conferences. At the same time, the analysis of doctrine may seem out of place at these alternative venues. 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