Oldovini, Paschaly Caetanus

1. General.

Textually and liturgically they conform to Gregorian sources except for minute but specific divergencies. The melodies are, in most cases, variations of the corresponding melodies in Gregorian chant. Thus we should speak of two chant traditions rather than of two bodies of chant. The textual and liturgical peculiarities of the five Roman manuscripts recur in some liturgical manuscripts without melodies (missals and ordinals); and on this basis it has been claimed that the existence of the Old Roman tradition can be traced back to the end of the 8th century. Some of the unnotated ‘témoins indirects’ (Huglo, 1954) are of non-Roman or northern provenance, and their relevance as witnesses of Old Roman chant has been challenged (Frénaud, 1959).

In the critical literature there is no single view as to what this chant tradition should be called. The name ‘Old Roman chant’ (‘Altrömischer Gesang’), was introduced by Bruno Stäblein; initially he contrasted it with ‘New Roman chant’ (‘Neurömischer Gesang’), but he later replaced this by returning to the concept of ‘Gregorian chant’. Others speak of ‘Urban Roman’ and ‘Gregorian’ (Schmidt), ‘special’ and ‘standard’ (Apel), ‘divergent’ and ‘normal’ (Jammers), ‘Old Roman’ or ‘Roman’ and ‘Frankish’ (Hucke) traditions of Gregorian chant.

Old Roman chant

2. The origin of the two traditions.

The dating of this reshaping in the pontificate of Vitalian rests first of all on a tradition, repeated by various chroniclers since the 12th century, according to which Pope Vitalian was active in the field of liturgical chant. The second basis for this dating is a list, contained in an 8th-century Frankish manuscript (Ordo romanus XIX), of persons who had done much for the cause of Roman chant. The list starts by enumerating popes and closes with the names of three abbots (Catolenus, Maurianus and Virbonus) who were presumably affiliated with the basilican monasteries around S Pietro in Rome at the time of Vitalian. These three abbots were supposed by Stäblein to have taken part in the reshaping of Old Roman into Gregorian chant. The suggestion of Jammers that the transformation of the Old Roman melodies into Gregorian chants during the pontificate of Vitalian was occasioned by the introduction of drones (ison-singing or diaphonia basilica) from Byzantium rests on no reliable evidence.

According to Van Dijk the relationship of Gregorian to Old Roman chant should not be considered solely from a musical point of view: above all it is a question of two different rites. In most of the papal services in the 13th century Gregorian chant was sung, while elsewhere in Rome, especially in S Pietro, the Old Roman rite was used with Old Roman melodies. Van Dijk offered circumstantial evidence that the special papal liturgy stretched back much further than the 13th century and that it had been connected with Gregorian chant from time immemorial. Gregorian chant was supposed (by Van Dijk) to have developed from the pontificate of Vitalian onwards and to have been codified by Pope Gregory II (715–31); Pope Vitalian supposedly founded the Roman Schola Cantorum.

Smits van Waesberghe, on the other hand, argued that the Old Roman chant was the chant of the papal liturgy, and that during the 7th century this chant was transformed into Gregorian chant in the monasteries that were linked with Roman basilicas. In connection with the liturgical and historical investigations of Huglo and with his own study of the graduals, Hucke formulated the thesis that the Old Roman chant was the Roman version of Gregorian chant and that ‘Gregorian chant’ originated in the Frankish Empire in about 800 with the introduction of the Roman liturgy there. He believed that, given the conditions of the 8th and 9th centuries, the transplantation of a vast and highly developed repertory of Gregorian melodies into a completely different musical culture was highly unlikely; in fact, the literary evidence relating to the introduction of the cantus romanus into the Frankish Empire speaks time and time again of difficulties and misunderstandings. Hucke's research into the antiphonal psalmody of the Old Roman sources indicates that the system of the eight psalm tones was not adopted by Old Roman chant until late, and then only incompletely. This would be inexplicable if Gregorian chant had arisen in Rome and been transmitted there since the 8th century alongside Old Roman chant. The system of the eight psalm tones, related directly to the eight church modes, is first attested in the Frankish Empire in about 800. It is clearly one of the achievements of the Carolingian Renaissance. The stylistic differences between old Roman and Gregorian chant must be explained by their different places of origin and by the adaptation of the Roman melodies to the system of the eight church modes.

According to Hucke, after the separation of the Frankish tradition in about 800 the Roman tradition continued to develop until the 11th century and underwent changes in some parts of the repertory more than in others. He maintained that the way in which the Old Roman tradition made Frankish elements its own excludes the possibility that the two traditions originated in the same place and in the same musical culture and co-existed from the beginning. The Old Roman tradition, exposed to the growing pressure of the Frankish tradition spreading from the Frankish Empire, was finally ousted by Gregorian chant in Rome in the high Middle Ages. Apel and Snow also accepted the Frankish origin of Gregorian chant, as did Cutter who, however, later pointed out that the relationship of the two traditions to each other could not be explained in all parts of the repertory by a revision of Old Roman melodies in the Frankish Empire. He suspected that Old Roman chant was transmitted orally for a long time and that this oral tradition was recorded in various Roman churches independently of each other.

Despite the fact that the liturgical practices of the papal court, of the urban churches and of the Roman monasteries each had distinctive features (Van Dijk), that alone would be insufficient evidence for the cultivation of two divergent musical styles in the same city. Apart from whatever apprenticeship training in music might have been available in the Roman tituli (see Rome, §II, 1), there existed in Rome only one singing school, the papal Schola Cantorum (Dyer, 1993). Gregorian chant must be, therefore, in some degree ‘Frankish’, although no agreement has yet been reached about the details of the process that created it. Some regard Gregorian chant as representative of 8th-century Roman chant imported into Charlemagne's realm and ‘frozen’ in the memories (and later manuscripts) of Frankish cantors. Others believe that a process of oral tradition continued for a time, as it most certainly did in Old Roman chant, preserved in written form only from the 11th century.

Various studies (Cutter, Nowacki) have demonstrated the fluidity of detail in the Old Roman melodic tradition, presumably the result of separate, independently written redactions of the oral tradition. Nowacki's investigation of antiphon texts set to different type melodies (Gevaert's ‘thèmes’) in the Old Roman and the Gregorian traditions led him to conclude that the reason for this phenomenon is not to be sought in Frankish confusion or error, but in the extended period of oral transmission at Rome. The process by which Old Roman chant was displaced by Gregorian chant at Rome must have been a gradual one, perhaps already underway when the graduale of S Cecilia in Trastevere was written (1071). The reformed canons of the Lateran and the papal court might have adopted this ‘international’ repertory during the 12th century, and there is some reason to suppose that it formed part of the liturgical reforms of Pope Innocent III (1198–1216). According to a late 14th-century report (Radulph de Rivo), the Old Roman rite and its music were officially suppressed during the pontificate of Nicholas III (1277–80).

Old Roman chant

3. Old Roman chant style.

A stylistic characteristic in the Old Roman tradition, or at least in the larger part of its repertory, seems to be the tendency to allow melismas and phrases to flow over the caesura and to link each with the following one, so that the continuation of the melodic flow is apparent rather than the melodic structure. There is a need to investigate the extent to which this is a question of the style of performance and the extent to which the musical notation should be understood as an indication of melodic structures or as a suggestion for a method of performance. In the Old Roman tradition the care taken in recording the melody is palpably less, and the frequency of variations in the transmission of the same melody is virtually a characteristic. Another hallmark of the Old Roman tradition as opposed to the Gregorian is a different feeling of tonality. This difference is noticeable in the manner in which Gregorian psalm tones were taken over by the Old Roman tradition.

4. The relationship between the Gregorian and Old Roman melodies of the Mass.

An initial general survey of the relationships between the chants of the two traditions has been made by Snow (1958). Among the introits some pieces in the two traditions show a very close relationship, while most correspond only generally. Differences of text occur more frequently in the offertories than in other classes of chant. Here the traditions differ from each other more in the melodies of the verse than in those of the refrains. A peculiarity of the Old Roman offertories is the occurrence of unusually long melismas that differ stylistically from the melismas of the alleluias. In addition, there is a manner of recitation that occurs in the offertories whereby a three-note ornamental figure is reiterated for successive syllables of text (see above, ex.1).

The number of Old Roman alleluia melodies is smaller than in the Gregorian chant repertory. Of the Old Roman alleluias, 11 have their own melodies, while the remainder utilize seven standard alleluia formulae and correspond more or less in their verses. Ten Old Roman alleluias have a ‘melodia secunda’, that is, an extension of the alleluia jubilus when it is repeated after the verse. A special study of the tracts of the 2nd mode has been made by Schmidt. The number of standard formulae is smaller in the Old Roman tradition, and in the Gregorian the formulae are not so consistently applied. On the other hand, the terminations are more strictly regularized. In the tracts of the 8th mode the divergence between the two traditions is greater. Four tracts of the 8th mode, namely the cantica of Holy Saturday, are almost identical in the two traditions, and here it is clear that the Old Roman tradition has adopted the Gregorian melodies.

Among the graduals (which have been investigated by Hucke) most of the Gregorian melodies are consistent adaptations of the Old Roman ones. The structure of the melodies was preserved but the melodic flow was radically transformed in a different style. Even where the Old Roman melody is palpably corrupt, the Frankish adaptation has attempted to follow the model closely. Thus it cannot be explained away as an adaptation based on a different aesthetic: rather it gives the impression of being a translation from a foreign musical language. The revised Gregorian melodies were handed down from the beginning with astonishing accuracy. The Old Roman tradition on the other hand shows traces of the subsequent formation of variants and then of later normalization. In some cases, a gradual in the Old Roman tradition has later received another melody.

Of the Old Roman communion antiphons, 30 have also come down to us as Old Roman responsoria prolixa for the Night Office. Until now the Gregorian variants of these communions have been only partly authenticated as responsories, while on the other hand there are communions that are authenticated as responsories in the Gregorian tradition but not in the Old Roman. Two further Old Roman communions are late adaptations of responsories. The relationship between the communion melodies of the two traditions is more varied and complicated than that of the graduals (ex.2 and ex.3). In many communions the melodic ductus of the two traditions is very similar. Often the Old Roman melody seems to be an ornamented version of its Gregorian counterpart: sometimes a specific connection between the corresponding melodies of the two traditions is detectable only at individual, isolated points in the melody, and in some cases it is uncertain whether we have before us a true connection or merely a melodic similarity. The terminations of the communion antiphons are regularized differently and more rigidly in the Old Roman tradition than in Gregorian chant. The Old Roman tradition has borrowed the Gregorian antiphonal psalm tones for the psalm verses of the communion and also for those of the introit. The Old Roman melodies of the Ordinary of the Mass appear to have been taken over wholesale from Gregorian chant.

Old Roman chant

5. The relationship between the Gregorian and Old Roman melodies of the Office.

The divergencies of the Old Roman repertory from the Gregorian repertory are much greater in the Office than in the Mass; and in addition, the two extant Old Roman antiphoners differ considerably. According to Snow they contain altogether 636 responsoria prolixa, of which a considerable proportion is transmitted in only one of the two manuscripts. Thus the extensive production of new responsories in Gregorian chant between the beginning of the 11th century and continuing through the 12th to 13th centuries did not occur in the Old Roman tradition. Some Old Roman responsories have been taken over from Gregorian chant. While most of the responsory verses in Gregorian chant were sung to standard psalmodic formulae and others had their own melodies, all the Old Roman responsory verses used eight standard psalmodic formulae.

The responsories of the 2nd mode have been examined by Cutter: of 80 responsories, 51 are found in both traditions. The standard melodic formulae used in these responsories appear in both traditions with corresponding variants. The number of these formulae is, however, smaller in the Old Roman tradition; in addition, the formulae of Gregorian chant show a greater tendency to variant forms, and less standardized melodic material is used. The recitation tones of the two traditions also differ. Despite certain similarities, the melodies of the two traditions show evidence of a different stylistic character. A striking characteristic of the Old Roman responsories is the fact that the individual melodic phrases flow directly into each other: often the cadence of the first part is only completed by the opening of the second part. As a whole, the responsories of the 2nd mode in the Old Roman tradition are more uniform and consistent.

In the case of Office antiphons (according to Snow), most of the standard melodies of Gregorian chant recur in the Old Roman tradition, but only about 60% of the antiphons common to both traditions use the same melody in both. Nowacki has investigated the antiphons in greater detail. Of the antiphons contained in the tonary of Regino of Prüm, a witness of the Frankish tradition at the turn of the 9th and 10th centuries, about 56% recur in I-Rvat S PietroB 79: on the other hand, the 12th-century antiphoner I-Lc 601 contains about 69% of the Old Roman antiphons. Jammers postulated that the joint corpus in Italy was enlarged by later compositions from the 9th and 10th centuries. But only about half of the antiphons have the same melody. In the antiphons for Lent, which probably belong to the oldest corpus, the traditions deviate from each other more considerably. Cutter has drawn attention to the fact that standard antiphon melodies, used for different texts, appear in the Old Roman tradition with ever new and different variants; and that, in addition, they deviate markedly from one another in both Old Roman antiphoners. Therefore the relationship of the Office antiphons in each of the two traditions offers a different picture from that of the responsories.

Old Roman psalmody has been investigated by Hucke. In the Old Roman graduals, variants of the eight Gregorian psalm tones are used for the introit and communion; however, the system of differentiae is not used methodically. By contrast, the antiphonal psalmody of the chant books for the Office does not follow the system. Of the antiphons, almost 90% use one of three psalm tones – those that recite on D, C and A and correspond to the 7th, 8th, and 1st Gregorian psalm tones. Of the psalms, about 5% are sung to an equivalent of the 6th Gregorian tone, the remainder to a number of variants of the 2nd and 4th tones or to irregular formulae.

Not all of the many psalm tones and differentiae are evenly distributed throughout the repertory. In part they are used for single feasts or for the octaves of feasts, but in some cases a specific succession of antiphons belonging together liturgically will consistently have the same tone and differentiae. Quite clearly Old Roman chant did not originally know the system of psalm tones. Between the 11th and 13th centuries, when the surviving sources of Old Roman chant were written, the Frankish system of eight psalm tones was adopted for the antiphons of the Mass (and this presupposes at the same time the regularizing of the introit and communion antiphons) and also for the responsories of the Office. The system was not at that time introduced into the Roman antiphonal psalmody of the Office.

Old Roman chant

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