*Topicality/Definitions Democracy Promotion Includes Military Intervention
Download 2.51 Mb.
|
- Navigate this page:
- CP: Aid for Social Service Delivery
Feminism/Gender K LinksU.S. FOCUS ON CIVIL SOCIETY REFINFORCES GENDER INEQUALITIES Denise M. Horn, Professor International Studies-Northeastern University, 2010, Women, Civil Society and the Geopolitics of Democratization, p. 11-2 In the case of the gentle invasion model, I trace the impact of language—policy language, language politics, etc. – on the creation of the rules of civil society and ask “cui bono?” which, in this case, is another way of asking, “who rules?” The language of rule in this case is based upon funding priorities and the construction of women’s roles in the framework of democratization. Civil society, as Cohen and Arato point out, is itself the coordinator of action “through the medium of communicative interaction.” Thus, civil society represents a site of contestation regarding the rules of citizenship, gender roles, and democratic development; within this context, the language of liberalism and neo-liberalism—and Western democracy—creates a system of rule that reinforces gender inequalities, albeit in forms different form what we normally associate with gendered hierarchies.
Denise M. Horn, Professor International Studies-Northeastern University, 2010, Women, Civil Society and the Geopolitics of Democratization, p. 12 The extent to which US and Western European values and culture are intrinsic to policy making becomes more apparent when analyzing the current tactical trends in building civil society and democratic institutions abroad. These policies reflect deeply rooted neo-liberal values regarding civil society and the relationship between the state and the individual. Gender politics play an important role: tracing the impact of US and EU foreign policies that include gender issues allows a closer look at the creation of pro-US or pro-EU policies through the importation of culture and values via foreign policy. Democratization as it has been theorized over the past decade—particularly in terms of civil society—reinstates gender as a site of power relations within this context because women’s participation becomes the marker of civil society’s “progression” while at the same time civil society represents a battleground for those interested in preserving traditional gender roles. CIVIL SOCIETY PROGRAMS STEEPED IN COMPLEX VIEWS OF WOMEN’S PLACE IN SOCIETY Denise M. Horn, Professor International Studies-Northeastern University, 2010, Women, Civil Society and the Geopolitics of Democratization, p. 14-5 The implicit critique of this research focuses upon the unexamined acceptance of civil society development as a “cure-all.” For example, U.S. policy makers in the 1990s were not unaware of the growing importance of women in the development of civil society as well as democracy; popular wisdom regarding the development of civil society has maintained that democratization require at least some consideration of women’s rights if the endeavor is to succeed. American visions of how democracy should be constructed, however, often idealize women’s roles in transitional states. First, because the NGO sector (and thus civil society) has been positioned as an alternative to the state, a place for democratic-action, while also differentiated from the undemocratic space of the family, it has come to be seen as a natural site for women, who have traditionally been shut out of the public sphere and oppressed by the private. Secondly, civil society has been characterized as a site of diversity and inclusiveness. As Hawkesworth notes, “cultivation of civil society is said to be beneficial because it encourages citizens to organize to promote their interests and foster ties among like-minded people across divisions of race, class, ethnicity, and gender. Further, women have been disproportionately attracted to the NGO sector because it is viewed as less affected by economic and political corruption, and NGOs are often built upon non-hierarchical structures. Civil society is thus constructed as a site of emancipation for women by foreign funders, while at the same time, civil society represents a site for contestation between varying groups within the transitional state, particularly when democratization also involves a nationalist struggle between “native” and “foreign” identities. As a result, women within these societies become both cultural symbols as well as markers of tradition versus modernity, as Mohadam and others have illuminated. Women’s bodies become a site of contestation within the nation, as mothers and as sexual beings. “As biological and social reproducers, women’s bodies are claimed for the nation and, as a result, often become battlegrounds in nationalist conflicts.” Pro-natalist advocates value women for their capacity to produce future citizens for the nation: reproduction is constructed as a women’s civic duty. Further, women’s roles as mothers are said to put them in a unique position to educate these future citizens, thus women are closely managed and controlled to preserve the sanctity of the nation’s traditions and the acculturation of the nation’s children within these traditions. Efforts at democratization through development of civil society must then contend with attitudes towards women that are imbued with complex attitudes towards women’s role in the state, steeped in tradition, culture and anxieties regarding the survival of the nation.
Francesco Cavatorta & Vincent Durac, International Relations Lecturers Dublin City University and University College Dublin, 2011, Civil Society and Democratization in the Arab World: the dynamics of activism, p. 158-9 The focus of the bulk of funding initiatives should be on projects that have clear socio-economic implications. Democratization in the Arab world will not occur through the strengthening of civil society. At best, external donors can help to defend and promote individual rights and to build bridges on specific issues such as post-conflict reconciliation. From the evidence gathered, it emerges quite clearly that socio-economic issues are crucial for the large majority of citizens. Western discourse on human rights tends to concentrate overwhelmingly on political and civil rights, but, in the developing world, human rights discourse, if seen from the perspective of ordinary citizens, coincides with both political/civil rights and socio-economic ones. In this respect, the popularity of Islamist movements is largely the product of their ability to connect the delivery of essential services with demand for change and political openness. At the moment, secular/liberal associations are quite weak with respect to the delivery of services and it is on issues such as medical care, job creation programs and education services that capacity should be built. Thus, initiatives in the Arab world that receive support should only rarely include the holding of conferences or seminars and organizing training for civil society activists, but should concentrate on the delivery of socio-economic services, which would demonstrate that all human rights are taken seriously. Funding associations that deliver social services would have numerous advantages. First of all, it would reinforce the credibility of actors such as the EU as neutral and normative protagonists. Second, the delivery of social services would demonstrate that there is a link between socio-economic progress and the discourse of human rights, because local associations would be able to connect their more political work with concrete interventions. One of the most interesting findings of Clark’s study (2004) on Islamic charitable activities is that the “poor” tend to support Islamism, not out of ideology, but out of practical necessity. Islamic charities provide a minimum of services, and the poor and disenfranchised would just as easily turn to other groups a different ethos, and even to government services, when these are available. This means that, politically and ideologically, the allegiance of poorer sectors of the population are “up for grabs” and one of the ways to reduce extremism is to offer the prospect of a better life. Another advantage of supporting service-delivery associations is that it offers the possibility once again to “build bridges” with Islamist associations working in the same area. By offering financial help in exchange for cooperation between secular and Islamist groups, it would be possible to promote a culture of compromise and collaboration. If Islamist groups are not interested in receiving funding, then their “bluff,” so to speak, would be called and it could be inferred that they are unreasonable actors that do not have the real interest of citizens at heart. Directory: assets assets -> Northern territory of australia assets -> Number: caveat in the [Will/Will and Codicil/Estate of] assets -> Invitation for Bid Calact/mbta for Standard Floor and Low Floor Rural Duty Vehicles ifb no. 12-03 November 14, 2012 assets -> 12 Step Retreats For Everyone in Twelve Step Recovery Ratner Fellowship assets -> 12 Step Retreats For Everyone in Twelve Step Recovery Ratner Fellowship assets -> Sigaccess annual Report assets -> Central Government is expected to ask the seventh pay commission to consider merging 50% dearness allowance assets -> List of accessible executive records assets -> Emergency telephone numbers Call toll-free from anywhere in France Download 2.51 Mb. Share with your friends:
|