Internationalisation dans le champ éducatif (18e – 20e siècles) Internationalization in Education (18th – 20th centuries) Genève / Geneva, 27-30 juin / June 2012
Jeudi / Thursday 14:30 - 16:30 Room: 4189
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- A.J. ANGULO, Winthrop University, U.S.A.
- Iveta KESTERE, University of Latvia, Latvia; Zanda RUBENE, University of Latvia, Latvia; Evi DAGA-KRUMINA, University of Latvia, Latvia
- Keith MOORE, Queensland University of Technology, Australia
- Isabel FIGUEIRA DE SOUZA, University of Lisbon, Portugal
- Jeudi / Thursday 14:30 - 16:30 Room: 5389 3.9. Modèles éducatifs entre propagande religieuse et modernité / Educational models between religious propaganda and modernity
- Folasade SULAIMON, Tai Solarin University of Education, Ijagun Ogun State, Nigeria
- Brian TITLEY, University of Lethbridge, Canada
- Heloísa PEREIRA, Universidade Tuiuti do Paraná, Brasil; Mário NEGRAO, Universidade Tuiuti do Paraná, Brasil; Adriano FARIA, Universidade Tuiuti do Paraná, Brasil
- Jeudi / Thursday 14:30 - 16:30 Room: 1130
Jeudi / Thursday 14:30 - 16:30 Room: 4189 3.8. Impérialisme culturel: construit, exporté, objet de résistance (20e s.) / Cultural imperialism: built, exported, resisted (20th cent.) Chair: Edwin KEINER The "New" Imperialism: U.S. Economic and Educational Interventions in the Caribbean, 1915-1934 A.J. ANGULO, Winthrop University, U.S.A. Since the events of 2001, historians have paid a great deal of attention to the idea of "American empire," rekindling an interest in the well-worn topic of twentieth century American expansionism. This literature typically focuses on the social, political, and military histories of U.S. interventions abroad and their foreign as well as domestic legacies. Until recently, far less attention has been given to the education policies implemented by U.S. officials overseeing the military occupations. The works of such scholars as Anne Paulet, Jose-Manuel Navaro, and Judith Raferty have begun the process of unearthing these episodes in American educational history. This paper seeks to contribute to the emerging line of research by examining America's occupations of Haiti (1915-1934) and the Dominican Republic (1916-1924). As with the occupations of Cuba, the Philippines, Puerto Rico, and others, the U.S. installed a military government in both Haiti and the Dominican Republic. These occupation goverments began ostensibly to help stabilize embattled democracies and economic conditions. Upon landing troops on the ground, occupation officials quickly dissolved existing democratically-elected government bodies and established American military governance that lasted for years. One of the most ambitious projects military officials set out for themselves during both interventions was the complete reform of each nation's school system. They faced intermittent opposition to their educational reform efforts due in large measure to the firm control they had consolidated, both politically and economically, through the use of force and decrees. Between the beginning and the end of these occupations, U.S. military officials decreed how taxes would be spent on education, decided which programs best-suited children, and determined that some programs and educators merited preferential treatment. Throughout this period, Haitians and Dominicans didn't take these decisions or the ongoing occupation lightly. The cause of education represented a struggle for the right of self-determination. These differences, particularly over interrelated economic and educational policy, reveal the great gap between the real and the ideal in U.S. foreign policy toward the Caribbean from 1915 to 1934. To highlight these economic and educational interrelationships, this paper explores four aspects of the U.S. occupation. First, it examines the financial entanglements between American speculators and the two Caribbean nations. The entanglements, dating back to the nineteenth century, fueled interest in intervention and, later under U.S. rule, directly influenced policy decisions related to education. Second, the paper turns to specific ways occupations officials took control of educational system. Military governors, using decrees and the passage of school laws, reinvented education through carefully assembled education commissions. Third, the paper explores how the U.S. occupation revised land and taxation policy and how those revisions benefited American corporate interests and eroded sources of support for education revenue. Finally, the paper turns to the way local populations responded by creating a popular, grassroots education movement to fill a void left by U.S. economic policy and concludes with a discussion of the way these case study are positioned within the era's broader educational and foreign policy contexts. Education as Export Commodity of Ideology: Soviet Union after WWII Iveta KESTERE, University of Latvia, Latvia; Zanda RUBENE, University of Latvia, Latvia; Evi DAGA-KRUMINA, University of Latvia, Latvia Educational system of every country comprises a certain complex of legitimate knowledge, the acquisition of which is considered to be important and relevant to the ruling ideology and interests of the society. All the processes taking place in the Soviet field of education were based on the theory called pedagogical science. The only acceptable and applied classification of sciences in the Soviet Union was considered to be the one developed by Friedrich Engels (1820-1895) which was considered to have surpassed the one-sidedness of the previous classification attempts (Saint-Simon, Kont, Hegel). On the basis of the movement of matter, Engels divided science into three main groups - natural, technical and social sciences (see Engels, F. Anti-Dühring, 1878). Humanitarian sciences were simply excluded from the materialistic world scene. For instance, philosophy was defined as one of the forms of social consciousness, determined by economic relationships within society, and the object of it’ s research - the relationship between cognition and matter. Pedagogy, in its turn, was presented as a science, which originated to satisfy the needs of the society, to effectively prepare upcoming generations for the preservation and improvement of public production. Same as in German tradition, Soviet pedagogy was identified as a science about human upbringing (Erziehung). However, upbringing in Soviet pedagogy was a term that implied passing of historical experience of a society to the next generations with a view of preparing them for public life and production. Pedagogy, together with philosophy, politics and economics became another propaganda source of Soviet ideology. With the victory of Russian revolution in 1917, the advance of Marxist pedagogical era commenced, when the pedagogical processes were examined through the prism of Marxism-Leninism, neglecting the humanitarian aspect of pedagogy. Soviet pedagogy as the theoretical basis of the whole soviet educational system together with it’ s other components became an export commodity that performed essential ideological functions. The main objective of the latter was to bring up people that subscribed to the established orthodoxy of ruling ideas and were ready to reproduce them from generation to generation. Thus education and with it, a certain ideology was exported from Moscow, the metropolis to all the provinces of the Soviet empire, including Baltic States that were occupied in 1940. The objective of the present research was the analyses of education used as export commodity of a totalitarian ideology, and to answer the following questions: 1) Which theories were considered legitimate, relevant and corresponded to the Soviet interests in public education? 2) What were the means of exporting educational theories accepted in the Soviet Union from metropolis to the provinces (which government and public institutions were used? How human resources got involved and used?) The above studies were based on the following sources - education documents, Soviet pedagogical press, school manuals and interviews with educators. Australia's educational response to Russia's perceived scientific superiority following the launch of Sputnik Keith MOORE, Queensland University of Technology, Australia On 4 October 1957, Russia launched Sputnik 1. Australians marveled at its incredible speed – 18,000 miles per hour – and observed with awe the glowing ‘star’ as it moved across the sky. On 4 November, the Sydney Morning Herald reported that Sputnik 1 had passed over Melbourne three times ‘yesterday’. At a time of Cold War tensions and H Bomb development this scientific advance from Russia also generated trepidation. University of Sydney Professor of Physics Harry Messel on television stated ‘It is a magnificent scientific achievement. But I have got a dreadful feeling that we are nearing the end’. On 9 November headlines announced ‘Next Stop the Moon’ with Soviet Scientist T. Khachaturov stating that Russia had a super fuel that would enable a rocket to fly to the moon in 10 hours. Citizens were left in no doubt of the military advantages that Sputnik and other space advances gave the Soviets. Their fears were heightened in April 1961 when Yuri Gargarin became the first human to orbit Earth. The Americans responded to this perceived threat to their security threat with the National Defense Education Act in 1958. It particularly aided the teaching of Mathematics and Science as well as languages in schools. In Australia, Sputnik led to Commonwealth funding for science laboratories in all secondary schools. As Stuart Macintyre states ‘Never before had the custodians of scientific knowledge commanded such authority or flaunted it so confidently’. This paper examines the secondary school curriculum responses to Sputnik in America and particularly in Australia. Press articles will be utilized extensively to portray public attitudes to the perceived threat and to the initiatives. Language Policy and Cultural Diplomacy – the circulation of ‘lusophone’ culture and its use in linguistic and political arenas: local voices, transnational encounters and post-colonial dialogues – the educational link
This paper analyses the circulation of Portuguese language and ‘lusophone’ literature both in Europe and between Portugal and its former colonies, as it is promoted by Instituto Camões, the official institution responsible for the teaching of Portuguese language abroad. Under the umbrella of the Ministry of Foreigner Affairs, Instituto Camões is the centre of a complex educational system, for different publics and contexts, from Portuguese migrant children to university students, both in Europe and in former Portuguese colonies. It serves, at the same time, the desire of Portuguese migrant population, the European need for a wider knowledge of foreigner languages and the recent project to achieve common standards in the teaching of Portuguese language within CPLP (Community of Portuguese speaking Countries). Language is, therefore, one of Portugal’s political tools both in its European and North/South power relationships. The linguistic bloc of Lusophony is trying to occupy a place in the economical and political arenas, thus creating alliances between countries with an ambiguous relationship towards their colonial past and one another. Cultural diplomacy, as soft power, is nowadays a particular way of relating to the Other, be it Brazilian, European or African – by the circulation of Portuguese language and literature a new poscolonial discourse on alterity and identity is being built. I will try to understand Portuguese studies abroad based on Michel Foucalt’s concepts of governamentality, which will not so much be related to the idea of territory - as a static, uniform reality within borders, as in imperial times, but to the idea of population(s), here seen as a fluid entity, in transit and from diverse ethnic origins. I will use documents concerning education protocols between Portugal and its former colonies and the recent orthographic agreement that has been signed by these countries. Special attention will be given to documents related to language policy, both from Portugal - through Instituto Camões, and from the lusophone community - through the International Institut of Portuguese Language, in order to understand how a shared idioma, in a poscolonial context, can be used in the collective imagination of a transnational, diffuse , lusophone identity. Jeudi / Thursday 14:30 - 16:30 Room: 5389 3.9. Modèles éducatifs entre propagande religieuse et modernité / Educational models between religious propaganda and modernity Chair: Barnita BAGCHI Disciplining the Savages: Situating Education in the Constructing of Naga Identity 1870-1947 Bauna PANMEI, Jawaharlal Nehru University, India Towards the end of the nineteenth century the British Empire gradually consolidated its hold in the Northeastern parts of India. The region served as a strategic path for geopolitical and economic factor. The vast unknown patch of land bordering Burma and the Kingdom of Manipur was inhabited by different tribes. Ten expeditions were organized by the British colonials during this period which attest to the need to find a route between Manipur and Assam connecting Burma. This led to the mapping and gridding of the various groups of people into tribes, territorially. The production of ethnographical and anthropological knowledge is coterminous with the colonial military activity in the Naga Hills bringing the Nagas into the discourse of colonialism. Most of the ethnographers/anthropologist’s were colonial officials. It was considered that the introduction of education and Christianity would facilitate the process of colonization of the Nagas. The projection of the image of the ‘war like Nagas’ who were always at feuds with each other, was consistent with the image of the colonial ideology, the ‘civilizing mission.’ This projection of the ‘other’ also led to the creation of new identities especially the Naga identity through various mechanisms and institutions. At the crux of this is the interplay between knowledge and the appropriation of power. The appropriation of indigenous language and knowledge became significant for the missionaries and the colonial officials. As such the arrival of the American Baptist Missionaries in the Naga Hills was made possible at the behest of the Colonial officials. During the early phase of colonial rule in the Naga Hills, education was left to the missionaries. Missionaries have been given a lot of attention for the introduction of modern education in the Naga Hills in the traditional historiography. Lately the works of missionaries especially in the field of education has been critically appraised in the Naga Hills from those writing outside the purview of the church (history). The discourse on the construction of the Naga identity becomes eminent with the study of education in the Naga Hills. This paper will make an attempt to study the triangular relationship between the colonial officials, missionaries and the Nagas vis-à-vis education. The introduction of education in the Naga Hills saw the transformation of the traditional practices of the Nagas replacing it with newer forms of practices consistent to the culture of colonialism. This newer forms of practices also brought about new social relations. This change was axiomatic in the transformation of the body, where culture becomes an embodiment of the body in which I would argue that the school became an important site through which the Nagas were disciplined taking away from the traditional norms and values. The Schools can be seen as technologies of power set up in strategic locations which were instrumental in forging a new self, Nagas, vi-a-vis colonialism. Internationalization in Education: The British Colonial Policies on Education in Nigeria 1882-1926
British Colonial policies on education were formulated and implemented in Nigeria between 1882 and 1926 when it became apparent that the missionary education was not solving the education problem s of the Nigerian natives. Going by the records, western/missionary education started in Nigeria in 1842 with the arrival of the Methodist missionary society and the church missionary society representatives in persons of Thomas Birch Freeman and Mr. and Mrs. De Graft. The initial objectives of the coming of the missionary bodies to Nigeria was to carry out evangelical work i.e. preaching the gospel to the natives of the black continent of which Nigeria is one. Remarkable efforts were made by the various missionary bodies in building churches and schools which were all used for the purposes of evangelizing. The basic content of instruction in schools was reading and writing which were necessary for the understanding of the gospel. It was however observed that these missionary schools were devoid of standard and uniform curricula as each missionary body established schools to suit the need of that particular body. The practice of the missionary bodies establishing and managing school continued for about four decades after which the colonial government according to Ajayi (!965) became critical of the small denominational schools whose pupils were considered ill-fit to become clerks that were needed for the growing administration and expanding commercial enterprise in Nigeria. This paper therefore gives a historical appraisal of the formulation and implementation of British Colonial policies in Nigeria between 1882 and 1926. Also, the nature of education policies shall be looked into while the roles played by the British colonial administration and the Christian missions would be critically evaluated. The paper would further evaluate the effects of the implantation of the existing British educational ordinances solely on Nigeria environment during the period. The International Network of Good Shepherd Homes and Therapeutic Discipline for 'Wayward' Females
At its inception in France in the 1830s the Congregation of Our Lady of Charity of the Good Shepherd had as its purpose the establishment of convent asylums for the moral rehabilitation of girls and women of ‘dissolute habits.’ By 1937 the congregation had established itself on every continent; there were over 10,000 Sisters in 380 convents (58 in the U.S.) forming an international network of custodial institutions for females. In this paper three aspects of these institutions are examined: (1) the Good Shepherd theory of moral reformation through monastic and industrial discipline as articulated in the writings of the founder, Rose-Virginie Pelletier (aka Mother Euphrasia); (2) the effectiveness of the disciplinary regime in transforming subjects; and (3) modifications to practice in response to changing mores and critiques of total institutions/reformatory schools in the 20th century, specifically in Canada, the U.S., and Ireland. The assumption is that the Good Shepherd convent phenomenon provides a unique lens through which to examine shifts in the social authority of the Catholic Church respecting the control of reproductive knowledge and the regulation of private lives and female delinquent behavior. Congregation of the Sisters of Saint Joseph of Chambéry: French Ultramontane Ideas in Brazilian Female Education Heloísa PEREIRA, Universidade Tuiuti do Paraná, Brasil; Mário NEGRAO, Universidade Tuiuti do Paraná, Brasil; Adriano FARIA, Universidade Tuiuti do Paraná, Brasil The present study contains reflections about the romanizing project of the Catholic Church and the dissemination of christian ultramontane ideas by way of school institutions founded by the religious congregations bent on the education of youth, which arrived in Brazil in the middle of the XIXth century. In order to understand how this process took place, this paper investigates the educational intentions of the French Sisters of Saint Joseph of Chambérry placed in context with social, economical and political factors in Brazil at that time as well as their influence in the upbringing of young females belonging to that period in history. Efforts in the education of young girls initiated around 1850, when some bishops, especially D. Joaquim de Melo, bishop of São Paulo, introduced educational reforms and policies according to ultramontane ideas, the result of understandings with the Holy Roman See which were in line with the intransigent conservatory views of Pope Pius IX. In that fashion, the connections between the diocese of São Paulo, Rome and the French province of Chambérry resulted in the arrival of the Sisters of Saint Joseph in Brazil, intent on directing the first female school of that epoch. This congregation was founded in France in 1648 by the Jesuit Jean Pierre Médaille and was considered to be the “feminine branch of the Jesuits”. Dispersed by the French Revolution, this congregation was reorganized in the XIXth century establishing itself in Saint-Etienne, Lyon, Aix-le Bains and Chamberry and in 1827 could count on fifty two recently reconstructed and founded communities. From that period onward, the strongly reorganized houses of Saint Joseph began to respond to appeals from other countries to send their members abroad in order to expand their work. The educational ultramontane project of the bishop of São Paulo had as its goal two social spheres: a religious one, concerned with the formation of priests who could disseminate the ultramontane reforms to the faithful and a familial one, raising girls in such a way that they later could educate their own children, and eventually society, according to catholic conservative ideas. With regard to female education, the french ultramontane ideal was in line with the wishes of wealthy conservative families intent on giving their female offspring a refined upbringing without putting to risk good costumes because the catholic way of thinking presented a concept of society, political power and family relations which were convenient to the brazilian oligarchical way of living. This jesuit and ultramontane catholic pedagogical conception was the founding pedagogical proposition of the female schools under the direction of the Sisters of Saint Joseph dedicated to the formation of an educated, polished and fundamentally christian woman who could impress these values on their social group, consolidating not just an individual catholic conception of upbringing, but a broader social view based on moral educational intentions which could be disseminated to the whole of society. Jeudi / Thursday 14:30 - 16:30 Room: 1130 3.10. Symposium. La traduction de Froebel: les cas de la Grèce, du Brésil, du Japon et du Canada / Translating Froebel: The cases of Greece, Brazil, Japan and Canada Coordinator(s): Roberta WOLLONS Discussant: Roberta WOLLONS The kindergarten is the ideal example of an educational idea that has been diffused, exchanged, transferred around the world. From the time that Baroness Bertha von Marenholtz-Bülow brought Friedrich Froebel’s ideas out of Germany in the 1850s until World War I, the kindergarten was introduced, translated, and adopted as a feature of early childhood education in every country in the industrialized world, and throughout developing nations. The story of the kindergarten is at once about training children, a significant women’s social movement, the feminization of teaching, and the global diffusion of an idea about early childhood development. In this panel, we will be using the examples of Greece, Brazil, Canada and Japan to show how a single idea was adopted in disparate national locations, translated, and then indigenized to come into conformity with the dominant cultural norms and ideas about childhood. In each case presented here, the kindergarten was brought to the country by missionaries or educators, the materials translated either from English or German, and then adopted in particularly nationalistic ways. The questions we explore here revolve around: 1) the ideas embedded in Froebel’s original instructions and how those ideas were re-contextualized by local teachers, and 2) how the kindergarten was employed to meet local needs for child care, as a tool for assimilation, for social advantage, and social change. Alessandra Arce, in her paper titled “Friedrich Froebel in Brazil: How his educational thoughts were viewed and applied to Early Childhood Education,” will look at how the Brazilians adopted aspects of the American kindergarten, and at the same time reduced his ideas to practical exercises and manual work. She will be examining the absence of theory in the Brazilian interpretation of the kindergarten. Sofia Chatzistefanidou, in her paper titled “Froebelian pedagogy and the Greek Kindergarten in the 19th and 20th Centuries,” after a brief overview of the various influences in Greek preschool education till 1880, will focus on the efforts of the educator Aikaterini Christomanou-Laskaridou to introduce the Froebelian method in Greece. Light will be shed in the ways the Froebelian Kindergarten theory and praxis were re-contextualized in accordance with the particular needs and circumstances in Greece. Larry Prochner, in his paper titled, “Kindergarten for Aboriginal Children in Western Canada, 1880-1920,” similarly to aspects of the Brazilian experience, will examine the ways in which the kindergarten was used to further political practices of assimilating aboriginal children in the 1890s. In this way, kindergarten teachers were balancing the developmental lessons of the Froebel “occupations” and the application of the kindergarten to more limited manual training for immigrant and aboriginal children. Roberta Wollons, in her paper titled, “The Politics of Translation: Froebel in Japan,” will take the example of Japan where Annie L. Howe, a missionary educator in the 1880s, used the English translations of Froebel by Susan Blow and Elizabeth Peabody to re-translate Froebel’s ideas in to Japanese using both words and visual images. Wollons examines Howe’s attempt to both conform to Japanese concepts of childhood and citizenship and adhere to the original Froebelian ideas in her kindergarten teacher training school, with its hybridized outcome. Froebelian Pedegogy and the Greek Kindergarten in the 19th and 20th Centuries Download 2.32 Mb. Share with your friends:
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