19 On the association Reforma, see Sabina Ferhadbegović, “Fes oder Hut? Der Islam in Bosnien zwischen den Weltkriegen,” Wiener Zeitschrift zur Geschichte der Neuzeit, V, 2 (2005), pp. 69-85.
20 Before 1950, most Bosnian Muslim women wore a long shawl called zar or feredža covering their body and their hair, as well as a veil called peča or jašmak covering their face. This traditional Muslim dress code was banned by the Communist authorities in 1950 (see Senija Milišić, “O pitanju emancipacije muslimanske žene u Bosni i Hercegovini,” Prilozi instituta za istoriju, 28, 1999, pp. 225-241).
21 In the 1920s, out of conviction or for tactical reasons, religious reformists only required that a women’s face should be uncovered, that is the suppression of the peča/jašmak (see note 20).
22 Edhem Bulbulović, for example, was elected in 1921 to the Constituent Assembly of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes as a representative of the Communist Party. In the 1930s, Communist influence was also perceptible in the cultural association Gajretand in the Gazi Husrev-beg madrasa (see I. Kemura, Uloga “Gajreta”, pp. 215-241; Dubravka Škarica, “Napredna srednjoškolska omladina Bosne i Hercegovine u revolucionarno-demokratskompokretu 1937-1941. god.,” Prilozi instituta za historiju radničkog pokreta, IV, 4 (1968), pp. 593-617).
23 Atif Purivatra, Jugoslovenska muslimanska organizacija, op.cit.; Xavier Bougarel, “Bosnian Muslims and the Yugoslav Idea,” in Dejan Djokic (ed.), Yugoslavism. Histories of a Failed Idea 1918-1992, London: Hurst, 2003, pp. 100-114.
24 E. Karić and M. Demirović (eds), Džemaludin Čaušević, especially vol. I, pp. 17-53 and vol. II, pp. 235-265.
25 See note 17.
26 Quoted in Smail Balić, Das unbekannte Bosnien. Europas Brücke zur islamischen Welt, Köln: Bohlau Verlag, 1992, p. 341.
27 Ali Riza Karabeg, Rasprava o hidžabu (krivenju muslimanki), Mostar: Hrvatska tiskara 1928; reprinted in E. Karić (ed.), Bosanske mulimanske rasprave, III, pp. 61-92, here p. 79. Between the seventh and the ninth century, four distinct madhhabs (legal schools) appeared within Sunni Islam. Bosnian Muslims are affiliated to the Hanafi madhhab (from the name of its founder, Abu Hanifa, 699-767), which was the official madhhab of the Ottoman Empire.
28 See note 27.
29 Islamska izborna kurija, Takrir, Sarajevo: H. M. Merhemić, 1928; translated in S. Balić, Das unbekannte Bosnien, pp. 343-344. On the waqfs in inter-war Bosnia-Herzegozina, see e.g. Abduselam Balagija, Uloga vakufa u verskom i svetovnom prosvećivanju naših muslimana, Beograd : Štamparija D. Gregorić, 1933; Hajrudin Mulalić, Institucija vakufa u Bosni i Hercegovini, Sarajevo: Svjetlost, 2001.
30 I. Kemura, Uloga “Gajreta”, pp. 172-181.
31 S. Balić, Das unbekannte Bosnien, p. 344.
32 Islamic revivalists are defined in recent literature as “traditionalists” (Fikret Karčić) or “traditional ‘ulama” (Adnan Jahić). Such a definition, however, can be misleading, since revivalists did not always belong to the traditional Bosnian Muslim elites, and were critical of some religious traditions inherited from the Ottoman period. On the notions of traditionalism, reformism and revivalism, see Antony Smith, “La ‘légitimation dualiste’, matrice du nationalisme ethnique,” in G. Delannoi and P.-A. Taguieff (eds), Théories du nationalisme: nation, nationalité, ethnicité, Paris: Kimé, 1991, pp. 256-283.
33 Shakib Arslan, a publicist and political activist born in Lebanon, was a leading figure of the pan-Islamic movement in the inter-war period, and one of the organisers of the Muslim Congress held in Geneva (1935). Several papers by Shakib Arslan were published in Hikjmet and el-Hidaje, and his famous brochure Our Decline, Its Causes and Remedies was translated into Serbo-Croat in 1934. See Martin Kramer, Islam Assembled. The Advent of the Muslim Congresses, New York: Columbia University Press, 1986; Enes Karić and Rešid Hafizović, “Aktuelnost djela Emira Šekiba Arslana,” in Emir Šekib Arslan, Zašto su muslimani zaostali, a drugi napredovali, Sarajevo: NIPP Ljiljan 1994, pp. 75-81, and Raja Adal’s chapter in this volume.
34 On the Lahori Ahmadiyya, see Eric Germain’s chapter in this volume.
35 Dr S.M. Abdullah, “Der Islam in Jugoslawien,” Moslemische Revue, XIII, 1 (April 1937), pp. 15-19. In a paper published in 1970, Husein Đozo writes that Muhammad Abdullah was a “personal friend” of Džemaludin Čaušević, and that “it is possible that Čaušević did not have a clear idea [nije bio na čistu] concerning the Qadiyyani movement”. Husein Đozo, “Kur’an časni,” Glasnik IVZ, XXX, 1-2 (1970), pp. 3-7; reprinted in E. Karić and M. Demirović (eds), Džemaludin Čaušević, I, pp. 260-264, here p. 261.
36 Mehmed Handžić, “Prijevod Kur’ana od Hadži Ali Riza Karabeg,” el-Hidaje, II, 9 (1938-1939), pp. 141-142; reprinted in E. Duraković (ed.), Mehmed Handžić, I, pp. 758-761, here p. 760.
37 Muhamed Pašić, “U čemu se sastoje greške, podvale i potvore Glavnog odbora ‘el-Hidaje’ u prikazu djela ‘Kur’an časni’,” el-Hidaje, I, 1 (1937-1938), pp. 9-13; quoted in E. Karić and M. Demirović (eds), Džemaludin Čaušević, I, p. 115. Here the Lahori branch of the Ahmadiyya was confused by Čauševic’s opponents with the other branch, the Qadiani Ahmadiyya, condemned in the 1930s as “outside the pale of Islam”.
38 On the political activities of Džemaludin Čaušević, see e.g. Enes Durmišević, “Džemaludin Čaušević i pravni položaj Reis-ul-Uleme od 1918. do 1930.,” in E. Karić and M. Demirović (eds), Džemaludin Čaušević, pp. 124-145; Mustafa Imamović, “O političkoj aktivnosti reis-ul-uleme Čauševića,” Glasnik IZ, LIV, 1 (1991), pp. 26-34.
39 Quoted in Atif Purivatra, Jugoslovenska muslimanska organizacija, p. 18.
40 Džemaludin Čaušević, “Odnošaj islama prema državi i drugim konfesijama (Beograd, 22. novembra 1921. god.);” reprinted in E. Karić and M. Demirović (eds), Džemaludin Čaušević, I, pp. 274-279.
41 Džemaludin Čaušević, “Nacija i vjera,” Novi Behar, IX/1-3, 1935-1936, pp. 1-2; reprinted in ibid, II, pp. 377-380, here p. 380.
42 Politika, 13 February 1925; quoted in ibid., I, p. 138
43 Fehim Spaho was the brother of Mehmed Spaho, the main leader of the JMO until his death in 1939.
44 The programme of the Association el-Hidaje is extensively quoted in Enes Karić, “Časopis ‘el-Hidaje’,” in E. Karić, Prilozi, pp. 421-458, here p. 423.
45 Hafiz Mahmud Traljić, “Handžić kao društveni i javni radnik,” in Udruženje Uleme “el-Hidaje,” Zbornik radova, pp. 45-50, here p. 49. Traljić does not provide more details about Handžić’s candidature. However, the list in question is probably the one led by the Croatian Peasant Party (Hrvatska seljačka stranka –HSS) and its Bosnian Muslim branch, the Muslim Organisation (Muslimanska organizacija –MO), created in 1936 by pro-Croatian intellectuals and JMO dissidents (see Dana Begić, “Akcije muslimanskih građanskih političara”, esp. pp. 178-180).
46 Dana Begić, “Pokret”, esp. pp. 180-185.
47 Elie Keddourie, Afghani and Abduh, London: Frank Cass, 1966; Aziz al-Azmeh, Islams and Modernities, London: Verso, 1993; Armando Salvatore, Islam and the Political Discourse of Modernity, Reading: Ithaca Press, 1999.
48 Dževad-beg Sulejmanpašić, Zelen čovjek. Komedija u jednom činu iz muslimanskog seoskog života, Sarajevo: Gajretova mala pozornica 1932; quoted in S. Ferhadbegović, “Fes oder Hut?” op.cit., pp. 76-77.
49 Mehmed Handžić, “Islam zabranjuje traženje pomoći od mrtvih i u tom cilju posjećivanje turbeta i crkvi (a ovo naročito osuđuje),” Glasnik IVZ, I, 8 (1933), pp. 13-17; reprinted in E. Duraković (ed.), Mehmed Handžić, III, pp. 355-362, here p. 362.
50 Džemaludin Čaušević, “Naša kulturna pitanja,” Novi Behar, II, 17 (1928-1929), pp. 257-259; quoted in F. Karčić, Društveno-pravni aspekti, pp. 217.
51 Džemaludin Čaušević, “Sarajevskom vafufsko-mearifskom džematskom medžlisu putem kotorskog vakufsko-mearifskog povjerenstva u Sarajevu (Sarajevo, 27. januara 1928);” reprinted in E. Karić and M. Demirović (eds), Džemaludin Čaušević, prosvjetitelj i reformator, op.cit., I, pp. 298-307, here p. 298.
52 Islamska izborna kurija, Takrir, p. 343 (translated from the German version).
53 Fehim Spaho, “Tumačenje šeriatsko-pravnih pitanja kod nas,” Kalendar Narodne uzdanice, VII (1939), pp. 21-25; translated in S. Balić, Das unbekannte Bosnien, pp. 346-348, here p. 346.
54 Mehmed Handžić, Tumačenje šeriatsko-pravnih pitanja kod nas – odgovor na istoimeni članak g. F. Spahe, Sarajevo: Štamparija J. Karić 1939; reprinted in E. Duraković (ed.), Mehmed Handžić, III, pp. 191-235. The Yugoslav authorities banned this brochure.
55 Abdulah Ajni Bušatlić, Pitanje muslimanskog napredka u Bosni i Hercegovini, Sarajevo: Islamska dionička štamparija, 1928; reprinted in E. Karić (ed.), Bosanske mulimanske rasprave, V, pp. 85-120, here p. 94.
56 Ibid., p. 96.
57 “Uvodnik,” el-Hidaje, I, 1 (1937-1938), pp. 2-3; quoted in E. Karić, “Časopis ‘el-Hidaje’”, p. 426.
58 Mehmed Handžić, “Uloga uleme u narodu (govor održan na skupštini ‘el-Hidaje’),” el-Hidaje, I, 2 (1937-1938), pp. 20-23; reprinted in E. Duraković (ed.), Mehmed Handžić, VI, pp. 46-53, here pp. 49-50.
59 “Uvodnik,” el-Hidaje, I, 1 (1937-1938).
60 [Ibrahim Hakki Čokić], “Na rabotu reformaša,” Hikjmet, III, 25 (1931), p. 29; quoted in A. Jahić, Hikjmet, p. 124
61 [Ibrahim Hakki Čokić] “Na namjerno uvredljive izraze,” Hikjmet, III, 23-24 (1931), pp. 374-377; quoted in ibid., p. 128.
62 Armando Salvatore, Islam,esp. pp. 67-96.
63 Džemaludin Čaušević et al., “Braćo Muslimani!,” Novi Behar, I, 1 (1927-1928), pp. 1-2; reprinted in E. Karić and M. Demirović (eds), Džemaludin Čaušević, II, pp. 166-169, here p. 168.
64 Džemaludin Čaušević, “Kur’an i Muslimani,” Novi Behar, VIII, 11-14 (1933-1934), pp. 161-162; reprinted in ibid., II, pp. 194-196, here p. 195
65 Džemaludin Čaušević, “Vjera,” in Gajretova predavanja, Sarajevo: Gajret, n.d.; reprinted in ibid., II, pp. 313-320, here p. 319. The editors do not provide original page numbers.
66 Džemaludin Čaušević, “Božje svjetlo ne može nitko ugasiti,” Kalendar Narodne uzdanice, II (1934), pp. 17-21; reprinted in ibid., II, pp. 209-213, here p. 211.
67 Džemaludin Čaušević, “Džamija (Džamiun),” Kalendar Narodne uzdanice, V (1937), pp. 113-119; reprinted in ibid., II, pp. 214-219, here p. 218.
68 Mehmed Handžić, “Ružni običaji u vezi s ženidbom,” in Glavni odbor ‘el-Hidaje’, Islamski obiteljski život, Sarajevo: el-Hidaje 1942, pp. 23-25; reprinted in E. Duraković (ed.), Mehmed Handžić, III, 244-245.
69 Mehmed Handžić, “Položaj nemuslimana u muslimanskoj državi (s upoređenjem sa nekim današnjim prilikama),” el-Hidaje, IV, 9-11 (1940-1941), pp. 234-249; reprinted in ibid., pp. 265-291, here p. 268.
70 Ibid., pp. 273-274.
71 Mehmed-beg Kapetanović Ljubušak, Budućnost ili napredak muhamedovaca u Bosni i Hercegovini, Sarajevo: Tiskara Spindlera i Löschnera, 1893; reprinted in E. Karić (ed.), Bosanske mulimanske rasprave, I, pp. 83-107, here pp. 86-87.
72 Ibid., p. 93.
73 Ibid., p. 98.
74 Interview published in Le Temps (1st April 1919), and reprinted in E. Karić and M. Demirović (eds), Džemaludin Čaušević, I, pp. 271-273, here p. 272.
75 Džemaludin Čaušević, “Neka nam je Kur’an vodič!,” Islamski svijet, II/, 31 (1933), p. 9; reprinted in ibid., II, p. 225.
76 Interview published in Le Temps (1st April 1919), p. 273.
77 The resolution was quoted extensively in M. Handžić, “Položaj”, pp. 288-291, here p. 288.
78 In its programme, the JMO demanded that “our link with the Caliphate is granted and that it is organised in such a way that we have the same free links as the Catholics have with the Holy See.” (see “Program JMO,” reprinted in A. Purivatra, Jugoslovenska muslimanska organizacija, pp. 418-420, here p. 418).
79 M. Kramer, Islam Assembled; F. Karčić, Društveno-pravni aspekti, pp. 228.
80 A.R. Karabeg, Rasprava, p. 74.
81 F. Spaho, “Tumačenje,” p. 348.
82 Enes Karić, “Islamic Thought in Bosnia-Herzegovina in the 20th Century: Debates on Revival and Reform,” Islamic Studies, XLI, 3 (2002), pp. 391-444, here p. 393.
83 Ibid.
84 Ibid.
85 Dž. Čaušević, “Božje svjetlo,” p. 213.
86 Džemaludin Čaušević, “Iman, Islam,” Novi Behar, VI, 19-20 (1932-1933), pp. 253-254; reprinted in E. Karić and M. Demirović (eds), Džemaludin Čaušević, II, pp. 188-190, here p. 190.
87 D. Čaušević, “Kur’an i Muslimani,” pp. 194-195.
88 Ibrahim Hakki Čokić, O teset-turu (pokrivanju muslimanki), Tuzla: Štamparija Petrović, 1928, p. 31; quoted in A. Jahić, Hikjmet, p. 31.
89 Programme of the Association “el-Hidaje,” p. 423.
90 Dževad-beg Sulejmanpašić, “Za šešir i protiv fesa,” Jugoslovenski list, October 1925; quoted in Dževad-beg Sulejmanpašić, Slobodna misao i hikmetovština. Dva gledanja na naše muslimanske verske i socijalne probleme, Zagreb: Štamparija Gaj 1933, p. 96; reprinted in A. Isaković (ed.), O “nacionaliziranju” Muslimana, pp. 80-83, here p. 80.
91 A.A. Bušatlić, Pitanje, p. 99.
92 Chameran [Ibrahim Hakki Čokić], “Hamiš ‘Odgovoru Ilmije’,” Hikjmet, IV/46, 1933, pp. 309-310; quoted in A. Jahić, Hikjmet, p. 94.
93 Islamska izborna kurija, Takrir, p. 344 (translated from the German version).
94 Mehmed Handžić, “Važnost vanjskih znakova sa šerijatskog gledišta,” el-Hidaje, III/6-7, 1939-1940, pp. 80-82; reprinted in E. Duraković (ed.), Mehmed Handžić, V, pp. 249-255.
95 Muhamed Pašić, “Tražena fetva,” el-Hidaje, III, 10-11 (1939-1940), pp. 133-134; quoted in F. Karčić, Društveno-pravni aspekti, p. 223.
96 Mehmed Handžić, “Mišljenja islamskih učenjaka koji su bili protiv mješovitih brakova,” Novi Behar, XII, 1-4 (1938-1939), pp. 14-17 and XII, 5-6 (1938-1939), pp. 55-58; reprinted in Rijaset Islamske zajednice, Mješoviti brakovi, Sarajevo: Biblioteka glasnika IZ, 1996, pp. 23-44, here p. 23.
97 Fehim Spaho, “Mješoviti brakovi,” Glasnik IVZ, VI/1, 1938, pp. 1-10; reprinted in Rijaset Islamske zajednice, Mješoviti brakovi, pp. 7-22, here p. 8. It is interesting to note that, in this peculiar case, Handžić agreed with Spaho on the need to adapt the Shari’a to specific local circumstances.
98 Džemaludin Čaušević, “Međusobno se potpomažite u dobrim i pobožnim djelima,” Novi Behar, VIII, 1-2 (1933-1934), pp. 1-2; reprinted in E. Karić and M. Demirović (eds), Džemaludin Čaušević, II, pp. 191-193, here p. 192.
99 Džemaludin Čaušević, “Nacija i vjera,” Novi Behar, IX, 1-3 (1935-1936), pp. 1-2; reprinted in ibid., pp. 377-380, here p. 379
100 On the link between revivalism and nationalism, see Antony Smith, “La ‘légitimation dualiste.”
101 Mehmed Handžić, Islamizacija Bosne i Hercegovine i porijeklo bosanskohercegovačkih Muslimana, Sarajevo: el-Hidaje, 1940; reprinted in E. Duraković (ed.), Mehmed Handžić, I, pp. 7-46. Bogomilism was a Christian heresy present in the medieval Balkans. The Croatian historian Franjo Rački was the first to state that the Bosnian Church (bosanska crkva) which existed in medieval Bosnia was linked to Bogomilism, and that its repression by the Orthodox and Catholic Churches explained the massive conversion of Bosnians to Islam. This thesis has been refuted by more recent academic works on the Bosnian Church and the Islamisation process in Bosnia-Herzegovina (see e.g. John Fine, The Bosnian Church: A New Interpretation, New York: Columbia University Press 1975).
102 Mehmed Handžić, Rad bosanskohercegovačkih Muslimana na književnom polju, Glasnik IVZ, I, 1 (1933), pp. 15-22; I, 2, pp. 22-27; I, 3, pp. 22-29; I, 6, pp. 20-25; I, 7, pp. 11-16; I, 8, pp. 19-26; I, 9, pp. 25-32; I, 10, pp. 16-20; I, 11, pp. 10-18; I, 12, pp. 14-18; reprinted in ibid., II, pp. 308-451.
103 Mehmed Handžić, “Patriotizam, narodnost i nacionalizam sa islamskog gledišta,” el-Hidaje, V, 1 (1941-1942), pp. 7-16; reprinted in ibid., III, pp. 323-339, here p. 331.
104 On the autonomy movement during the Second World War, see Enver Redžić, Muslimansko automaštvo i 13. SS divizija. Autonomija Bosne i Hercegovine i Hitlerov Treći Rajh, Sarajevo: Svjetlost, 1987; Rasim Hurem, “Pokušaj nekih građanskih muslimanskih političara da Bosnu i Hercegovinu izdvoje iz okvira Nezavisne Države Hrvatske,” Godišnjak društva istoričara Bosne i Hercegovine, XVI (1965), pp. 191-221; Rasim Hurem, “Koncepcije nekih muslimanskih građanskih političara o položaju Bosne i Hercegovine u vremenu od sredine 1943. do kraja 1944. godine,” Prilozi instituta za historiju radničkog pokreta, IV, 4 (1968), pp. 533-548. On Mehmed Handžić’s political activities during the same period, see Udruženje Uleme “el-Hidaje,” Zbornik radova.
105 Mladi Musliman, student medicine [Tarik Muftić], “Kompromisni islam i kompromisni Muslimani,” el-Hidaje, VI, 4 (1942), pp. 91-96, here p. 92.
106 Nikki Keddie, “Pan-islam as Proto-Nationalism,”Journal of Modern History, XLI, 1 (1969), pp. 17-28.
107 Xavier Bougarel, “From Young Muslims to Party of Democratic Action: The Emergence of a Pan-Islamist Trend in Bosnia-Herzegovina,” Islamic Studies, XXXVI, 2-3 (1997), pp. 533-549.