Masarykova univerzita V brně Fakulta sociálních studií
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Internet resourcesAbout the TGNA. [Online] Available at: (http://www.tbmm.gov.tr/english/about_tgna.htm). Accession Partnership Documents. [Online] Available at: (http://www.ikv.org.tr/en/temelbelgeler.php). AK Party: History. [Online] Available at: (http://eng.akparti.org.tr/english/akparty.html). AK Party: Organization. [Online] Available at: (http://eng.akparti.org.tr/english/organization_CEC.html). AKP program. [Online] Available at: (http://www.akparti.org.tr/beyanname.pdf). Aydın, S. & Keyman, E. F., 2004. European Integration and the Transformation of Turkish Democracy. CEPS. [Online] Available at: (http://shop.ceps.eu/BookDetail.php?item_id=1144). Bekdil, B. AKP’s success story. Turkish Daily News. 25.7.2007. [Online] Available at: (http://arama.hurriyet.com.tr/arsivnews.aspx?id=-610768). Börzel, T. A. & Risse, T., 2000. When Europe Hits Home: Europeanization and Domestic Change. [Online] Available at: (http://eiop.or.at/eiop/texte/2000-015a.htm). Bulmer, S. J. & Radaelli, C. M., 2004. The Europeanisation of National Policy, Queen’s Papers on Europeanization, No 1. [Online] Available at: (http://www.qub.ac.uk/schools/SchoolofPoliticsInternationalStudiesandPhilosophy/FileStore/EuropeanisationFiles/Filetoupload,38405,en.pdf). Centre for European Policy Studies, 2007. Europeanisation of Turkish Democracy? [Online] Available at: (http://enarpri.org/Article.php?=&article_id=87). CHP program. [Online] Available at: (http://www.chp.org.tr/index.php?module=museum&page=show&entry_id=1274). Erdem, E. I., 2008. Euroepan Union, political parties and democratization: The case of Turkey, 1997-2004. [Online] Available at: (http://www.allacademic.com/one/www/research/index.php?click_key=2). EU advises Turkey to hit European standards. In Turkish Daily News. 29.11.2008. [Online] Available at: (http://arama.hurriyet.com.tr/arsivnews.aspx?id=10466645). EU ready to work with AKP. In Turkish Daily News. 5.11.2002. [Online] Available at: (http://arama.hurriyet.com.tr/arsivnews.aspx?id=-530458). Galiën, M. Time for a change at the CHP. In Turkish Daily News. 28.8.2008. [Online] Available at: (http://arama.hurriyet.com.tr/arsivnews.aspx?id=-613136). Goetz H. K., 2008. The Europeanisation of national political systems: Parliaments and executives. [Online] Available at: (http://europeangovernance.livingreviews.org/open?pubNo=lreg-2008-2&page=articlese4.html).
Gültaşlı, S. EU set to praise Gül, criticize gov’t, military, judiciary. In Today’s Zaman, 29.10.2008. [Online] Available at: (http://www.todayszaman.com/tz-web/detaylar.do?load=detay&link=157231). Historical background of the NSC. [Online] Available at: (http://www.mgk.gov.tr/Ingilizce/Tarihce/tarihce_en.htm). Howell, K. E., 2004. Developing Conceptualisations of Europeanization: Synthesising Methodological Approaches. Queen’s Papers on Europeanization 2004, No. 3. [Online] Available at: (http://www.qub.ac.uk/schools/SchoolofPoliticsInternationalStudiesandPhilosophy/Research/PaperSeries/EuropeanisationPapers/). Jones, G. Turkey, EU collision course over reform plans.Turkish Daily News. 21.9.2007. [Online] Available at: (http://arama.hurriyet.com.tr/arsivnews.aspx?id=-614855). Jung, D., 2007. Turkey’s Future: EU Member or “Islamist Rogue State”? [Online] Available at: (http://www.diis.dk/graphics/Publications/Briefs2007/dju_turkey_eu3.pdf). Kalaycıoğlu, E. 2007. EU in Turkish politics: Continuities and Changes? [Online] Available at: (http://www.ikv.org.tr/images/upload/file/Kalaycioglu.pdf). Kaliber, A., 2008. Reassessing Europeanisation as a Quest for a new Paradigm of Modernity: The Arduous Case of Turkey. [Online] Available at: (http://www.allacademic.com). Law of the NSC. [Online] Available at: (http://www.mgk.gov.tr/Ingilizce/Kanun/kanun_en.htm). MHP program. [Online] Available at: (http://www.mhp.org.tr/beyaname/beyanname2007.pdf). Ministry of Foreign Affairs, (n.d.). Human rights: Policy objectives and developments. [Online] Available at: (http://www.mfa.gov.tr/human-rights_policy-objectives-and-developments.en.mfa). Mission of the General Secretariat for the EU. [Online] Available at: (http://www.abgs.gov.tr/index.php?p=210&l=2). National Programmes for the Adoption of the Acquis. [Online] Available at: (http://www.abgs.gov.tr/index.php?p=194&l=2). Oğuz, C. C. Sex and EU lies in Turkey. In Turkish Daily News. 12.9.2007. [Online] Available at: (http://arama.hurriyet.com.tr/arsivnews.aspx?id=-614186). Parslow, J., 2007. Turkish Political parties and the European Union: How Turkish MPs Frame the Issue of Adapting to EU Conditionality. ARENA Report No7/07. [Online] Available at: (http://www.arena.uio.no/publications/reports/2007/707.pdf). Radaelli, C. M., 2000. Whither Europeanization? Concept stretching and substantive change. [Online] Available at: (http://eiop.or.at/eiop/pdf/2000-008.pdf). Radaelli, C. M., 2004. Europeanization: Solution or problem? European Integration online Papers. Vol. 8, No. 16. [Online] Available at: (http://eiop.or.at/eiop/texte/2004-016.htm). Rehn, O. Turkey and the EU: a win-win game. Turkish Daily News. 13.10.2008. [Online] Available at: (http://arama.hurriyet.com.tr/arsivnews.aspx?id=-638706). Sarıibrahimoğlu, L. Central role of Turkey’s National Security Council fades away. Today’s Zaman. 1.12.2008. [Online] Available at: (http://www.todayszaman.com/tz-web/detaylar.do?load=detay&link=160268). Secretariat General of the National Security Council, (n. d.). Constitutional situation. [Online] Available at: (http://www.mgk.gov.tr/Ingilizce/Anayasal%20Durum/anayasa_en.htm). Sedelmeier, U., 2006. Europeanisation in New Member and Candidate States. [Online] Available at: (http://www.livingreviews.org/lreg-2006-3). Schimmelfennig, F., 2007. Europeanisation beyond Europe. [Online] Available at: (http://europeangovernance.livingreviews.org/Articles/lreg-2007-1/). Terzi, Ö., 2006. What to expect from a Europeanised Turkish foreign policy. [Online] Available at: (http://www.ikv.org.tr/images/upload/file/ozlemterzi-teblig.pdf). Turkey progress reports 2000-2008. [Online] Available at: (http://www.abgs.gov.tr/index.php?p=123&l=2). Turkey’s EU process back on track. In Turkish Daily News. 18.9.2007. [Online] Available at: (http://arama.hurriyet.com.tr/arsivnews.aspx?id=-614615). Turkish gov’t to push EU reforms, tax cuts. In Turkish Daily News. 1.9.2007. [Online] Available at: (http://arama.hurriyet.com.tr/arsivnews.aspx?id=-613497). Yinanç, B. Mutual consent on Turkey's EU bid: the slower the better. Turkish Daily News. 3.11.2008. [Online] Available at: (http://arama.hurriyet.com.tr/arsivnews.aspx?id=-639991). 1 The broad potential of research on Europeanization can be observed for example from the statements of Radaelli (2004): “At this stage, potential in research is greater if one turns to Europeanization as ‘something to be explained’, not ‘something that explains’.”, or Dyson (2002) cited in Howell (2004): “Europeanization remains a relatively new theoretical interest and has produced more questions than answers”. 2 We must make sure not to confuse the term with European (political) integration, nor harmonization or convergence - those can be the consequences of Europeanization (Radaelli 2003: 33). 3 However, several examples of Europeanization without major adaptational pressure can serve as an objection to this approach (For more details see Radaelli 2004; Knill and Lehmkuhl 1999; 2002). 4 The top-down approach corresponds with another often used term „downloading“, i.e. European integration causes the changes in the domestic politics. The opposite perspective is bottom-up or „uploading“, i. e. the decisions or initiatives of member states create the rules of the EU and Europeanization is considered as an intended goal of actors of domestic politics without the pressure from above. The third situation brings together these two areas and as it concerns vertical policy transfer, it is called „cross-loading“ (For more details on this conceptualization, see Howell 2004). 5 To learn more about the authors in particular areas mentioned above, see Radaelli 2004: 14. 6 For example in the new member (post-Communist) states the EU sought to promote effective decentralization of the administrative systems and was generally in favor of strengthening sub-national governments at local and regional levels (Goetz 2005: 273). 7 For extended framework of analysis see Fiala et al. 2006: 14-16. 8 Originating from works of Taggart and Szczerbiak. 9 Including conditional incentives, normative pressure, and persuasion (Sedelmeier 2006: 4). 10 For more details see Schimelfennig, Sedelmeier (2005). 11 However, the strategy of conditionality is far from uniform and homogenous, and the EU’s application of conditionality varies across issue areas, target countries, and over time (Sedelmeier 2006: 7). Moreover, some studies considering the relative importance of EU conditionality and domestic politics in shaping domestic political change and take into account that such changes might not be induced by the EU. Other studies consider explicitly that there need not be a causal link with EU conditionality if domestic change in the candidate countries meets the EU’s demands. 12 During Tanzimat period of 1839-76, the Ottoman modernizers adapted the idea that Islam has fallen out of phase with life and cannot be adopted to modern circumstances (Heper 1993: 9). 13 Turkey was ‘made’ in the image of the Kemalist elite which won the national struggle against foreign invaders and the old regime (Ahmad 1993: 2). 14 Erik. J. Zürcher calls this early phase of republic as Western Influences and early attempts at modernization (Zürcher 1993: 253). 15 It is clear that Kemal’s program of authoritarian modernization, despite its explicit and frequent evocations of the “people“, was permeated by a lack of trust in the latter. The Kemalist project was premised on establishing a relation of externality between modernity and Turkish society and attempted to regulate the propagation of the former to the latter. Turkey, according to Atatürk, should be forced to modernize through the suppression or uprooting of institutions, values, ideologies and practices that were considered anachronistic and regressive and the propagation or invention of alternative institutions, values, ideologies, and practices that would serve the advancement of the principles of republicanism, secularism, nationalism, populism, statism and revolutionism which were central to Turkey’s transformation (Sofos 2001: 244-245). 16 The interesting point is that in the Kemalist modernization project, modernization and Westernization were largely synonymous terms. In this context, developing close relations with Europe was a natural counterpart of the broader project of Westernization (Keyman, Öniş 2007: 60). 17 Such a concept would not even conform to our definitions of Europeanization from the first chapter. 18 It is fact that “democracy deficit” constitutes one of the main characteristics of contemporary Turkish politics, and democracy in Turkey needs to be consolidated (Keyman, Öniş 2007: 15-16). 19 This fact together with the factor of democracy that was not meeting European standards led the EC to freeze the relations with Turkey, and similarly 1997 application again declined, partly on these grounds (Zürcher 1993: 253). 20 The government was dominated by two highly nationalistic parties – left-nationalist Democratic Left Party (DSP) and the ultra-nationalist, The Nationalist Action Party (MHP) (Öniş 2006: 284-285). 21 But it has to be noted that the Turkish military elite has always been careful to distance itself from and „anti-EU‘ label as it believes that Turkey’s economic and political destiny lies in Europe, which is also the heritage of Atatürk’s modernization ideas that the military follows. 22 The Accession Partnership included another changes required, the scope of this thesis does not allow me to mention all of them, for details see Erdem (2008). 23 Certainly there was a false expectation on the part of key CHP figures that the AKP, given its Islamist heritage, would sooner or later find itself in confrontation with the state elites resulting in its ultimate closure as it happened in the earlier episodes involving the former parties with Islamist roots. Here we can observe a failure on the part of the CHP to recognize the adaptability and the learning process experienced by moderate Islamists in Turkey (Keyman, Öniş 2007: 233). 24 The government planned to re-submit a series of laws, including IMF-sought social security reform, and an EU-linked law on foundations - all of which were blocked by Ahmet Necdet Sezer, who stepped down as president at the end of August 2007. New President Abdullah Gül, Turkey's former foreign minister, was expected to approve these laws. 25 See for example EU advises Turkey to hit European standards 2008 or Turkey progress report (2008). 26 The exact period covered is from 1st October 2007 to early October 2008. 27 More details to these events in the chapter about Parliament. 28 A general regulation concerning the persons to be appointed to public offices was adopted in May 2002 (Turkey Progress Report 2002: 20). 29 But after presidential veto they had to be rewritten and most of them were then adopted in 2005. 30 However, not all the above-named persons are ever-present in the Council, basically it constituted from four civilian and five military members, plus the President, who could have been either civilian or military representative. 31 However, this abolition does not automatically allow the judicial review of these acts, since it does not make abstract judicial review possible, only concrete review of cases stemming from these acts (Yazıcı 2004). 32 These laws are Turkish Armed Forces Internal Service Law and the Law on the National Security Council. 33 This was the first time when the expenses designated for education were higher than expenses on army – as they grew from 9,5% in 2006 to 10,4% in 2007 (Keyman and Düzgit 2007: 76). 34 In August 2004, a senior diplomat, Yiğit Alpogan, was appointed as the first civilian Secretary General of the NSC by the president, upon the proposal of the prime minister in accordance with the amendment in the seventh package (Erdem 2008: 22). 35 The period of 1999-2002 is covered in the chapter concerning Europeanization of the government. 36 These translations were made by the researchers from Economic Development Foundation for which I am very grateful to them. 37 All parties of the previous three-party coalition failed to pass the ten percent national threshold. 38 Especially when Kurdish terrorism once more became an issue (Parslow 2007: 34). 39 As we can also observe in the programmatics concerning the European Union issue later. 40 At the previous general election, held at a time when nationalist sentiment was high, MHP became the second leading party, with about 18% of the national vote, highest in their history. 41 The statement written by the party leader Bahçeli is available in Turkish on the following link: <http://www.mhp.org.tr/dokumanlar/kitap/turkiyeab.pdf>. 42 The appropriateness of such a labeling is questionable however, given the lukewarm approach of Christian Democrats in Europe to the idea of multiculturalism in general and idea of Turkey’s membership of the EU in particular (Keyman, Öniş 2007: 227). 43 He was sentenced for reciting a poem with the lines ‘mosques are our barracks, minarets our bayonets, domes our helmets, the believers our soldiers’ (Aydın 2005:204). 44 The strong position of AK Party was confirmed already in the local election in 2004, with the result of 42% of votes (AKP: History). 45 We should note that in the 2002 the AK Party gained 80,4% of the seats in Parliament while it won only 34,2% of the votes cast. This was a peculiarity of the 10% electoral threshold rule, which in effect rendered 46 per cent of the votes cast irrelevant (Avcı 2004: 203). Comparing to the 54% of votes that were represented in Parliament after the 2002 elections, the percentage rose to 87 after the 2007 elections (Bekdil 2007). 46 For the following election in 2007 they predicted that if the past pattern continues, the it will be bound to create not only some deterioration of electoral support for the AKP but rather a major one creating yet another new right-of-center winner (Çarkoğlu, Kalaycıoğlu 2007: 36). 47 For detailed research and surveys on this topic see Şenyuva (2008), Yılmaz (2007), Çarkoğlu (2003), Görgün (2004). 48 Even in the sensitive question of national defense not most of the public is against (Yılmaz 2007: 83). 49 This paper presentation is available at: <http://www.ikv.org.tr/images/upload/file/Kalaycioglu.pdf>. These surveys introduce the prospective results of voting for or against the EU by the public. 50 Another interesting point within this context is the decline of security and political stability topics’ importance comparing to the elections in 1995 and 1999. That was caused by then-perceived threats of political Islam and Kurdish nationalism, what was later overpowered by the economic problems in the early election of 2002 (Keyman, Öniş 2007: 224). 52 How it is also mentioned in the chapter concerning the government. 53 I have to note that because of language limitations mostly secondary resources will be used in this chapter. 54 Thus, under the original text of the Constitution, the restrictions were the rule, while the rights and liberties were the exception (Yazıcı 2004: 95). 55 I mention this fact because the decision was received with considerable disappointment in Turkey as general expectations had been raised in the country by the political elites as well as by the media that the decision to actually launch accession negotiations with Turkey would have been taken at that Summit (Derviş et al. 2004: 18). 56 According to the regulation the broadcasting in these languages may take place for four hours per week on radio and two hours per week on television and the programs can only be aimed at adults on the subjects of news, culture and music. Broadcasts cannot contravene the fundamental characteristics of the Republic and the indivisible integrity of the state. The Regulation also provides that the radio program must be followed by a complete Turkish translation, television broadcasts must have subtitles in Turkish, and that individuals in television broadcasts must wear modern clothes. However, the Regulation could not be implemented for legal reasons relate to the autonomous status of TRT (Turkey progress report 2003: 31). 57 The important note here is that the as minorities are considered just those that are named in the 1923 Lausanne Treaty, which are Jews, Greeks and Armenians, generally „non-Muslim“ and these communities are granted equal protection and non-discrimination (For more details see Aydın and Keyman 2004: 31-40). 58 The quest for identity began to emerge in the 1950s and developed further in the following decades, mainly as a result of the modernization and urbanization that led to high rates of Kurdish migration to industrialized cities. They started to participate in the political life of urbanized societies, increasingly through their ethnic and cultural identity. The military government ruling the country until 1983 turned much of the Kurdish region into a militarized zone. The situation worsened when the PK started its operations in 1984 and was countered by a military reaction from the Turkish government. Various measures taken in the fight against terrorism also led to serious human rights abuses, which in turn resulted in a significant degree of mistrust between the sate and the inhabitants of the region (Aydın and Keyman 2004: 34). 59 Partiya Karkerên Kurdistan or Kurdistan Workers Party. 60 The provision sanctioning “actions which facilitated the operation of terrorist organizations in any manner whatsoever” was removed (Turkey progress report 2003: 30). 61 It should be noted that the amended law fails to bring a just solution regarding the return of confiscated properties of foundations, where the basic property rights kept being violated (Aydın and Keyman 2004: 32). 62 The new Penal Code is in force since June 2005. 63 The utilization of Article 301 can be illustrated on two cases – novelist Orhan Pamuk and NGO activist and journalist Hrant Dink (for details see Keyman and Düzgit 2007: 78-79). 64 The latter Commission finalized its report in July 2008. The report came to the conclusion that there was negligence, error and lack of co-ordination in the activities of the security organizations and of the gendarmerie in failing to prevent the murder (Turkey progress report 2008: 13). 65 This aspect of course influences all the dimensions and parts of political system, but in the concrete case I assume it should be emphasized as in the policy sphere the actors, institutions as well as distribution of power and resources are significant elements of the process, thus their appearance influences the whole area. Directory: 52095 52095 -> Key Concept 1 Technological advances, large-scale production methods, and the opening of new markets encouraged the rise of industrial capitalism in the United States Download 370.43 Kb. Share with your friends:
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