Neoliberalism results in a lack of separation of union and state and creates authoritarian corporatist arrangements.
Crow and Albo, Professors at Department of Political Science at York University, 2005 (Dan and Greg, “Neo-liberalism, NAFTA, and the State of the North American Labour Movements,” Just Labour vol. 6 & 7, Autumn 2005, http://www.justlabour.yorku.ca/volume67/pdfs/02%20Albo%20Press.pdf?utm_medium=twitter&utm_source=twitterfeed)//CS
Historically, the working class in Mexico has been enmeshed in corporatist structures of the state. This has resulted in a lack of union autonomy from the state, and the PartidoRevolucionarioInstitucional (PRI), the instrument of one-party domination within Mexicountil recently (Rodriguez, 1998: 71). The largest Mexican union federation, the Confederacion de Trabajadores de Mexico (CTM) along with the ConfederaciónRevolucionaria de Obreros y Campesinos (CROC), Confederación Regional Obrera Mexicana (CROM) and the Congreso del Trabajo (CT),all official unions tied to the authoritarian corporatist arrangements, represent the majority of Mexico’s unionized workers. Authoritarian corporatist arrangements have resulted in unions that have acted as coercive agents against their members. Corrupt union bosses became de facto members of the state apparatus, and their privileged positions became dependent upon keeping militant workers in check. As a result, union densities were higher than in other, comparable states, but were nonetheless ineffectual at improving working conditions (Roman and Arregui, 1998: 128). In 2000, overall union density in Mexico was ten percent lower than it was in the early 1980s. With union leaders often in collaborative relationships with employers and the state, internal practices of democracy and independent action for unions were all but impossible. In addition, state coercion was also prominent. Strike activity was 18 JUST LABOUR vol. 6 & 7 (Autumn 2005) traditionally very low as the state made the conditions for work stoppages illegal in most cases.In those cases where strikes did occur, direct physical coercion was regularly used (Cockcroft, 1998: 160).
I: Inflation Due to the rapid decline and unsustainability of neoliberalism, we are currently experiencing the highest food costs since 1845, and will continue to experience inflation until we turn away from neoliberalism.
Moore, Assistant Professor of Environmental History atUmeå University, 2008 (Jason W., Ecological Crises and the Agrarian Question in World-Historical Perspective,Lunds University Monthly Review, pages 54-55, November 2008, http://www.sam.lu.se/upload/Humanekologi/Moore2008.pdf)//CS
lf it was not clear before, it became increasingly apparent over the course of 2008 thatagriculture is one of the decisive battlegrounds of neoliberal globalization-l would say the decisive battleground.This latest effort to remake agriculture in the image of capital-this time, as a composite of agro- export platforms whose variance with the global factory can be found only in the former's direct relation with the soil-has entered a phase of rapidly declining returns for capital as a whole. The worm has turned on the neoliberal agro-ecological project.We shouldn't let the short-run profiteering around food or oil obscure this. Rising food costs-the highest in real prices since 1845, or so The Economist reports (December 6, 2007)-mean that the systemwide costs of (re)producing the world's working classes are going up, a situation that cannot be resolved(as it was in the long nineteenth century) by incorporating vast peasant reservoirs in the colonial world. Marx's "latent" reserve army of labor has dwindled to a wisp of what it was a century ago, or even twenty-five years ago, on the eve of China’s breakneck industrialization.
I: Race Neoliberal politics distance themselves from the slow violence they cause—particularly against nonwhite people
Nixon, Rachel Carson Professor of English at the University of Wisconsin-Madison 09 (Rob, “Neoliberalism, Slow Violence, and the Environmental Picaresque”, Modern Fiction Studies 55:3, Fall 2009, MUSE)//AS
Three points are worth underscoring here. First, international whiteness provides a second shield for national whiteness, a protective dynamic that has profound consequences for the way slow violence has unfolded across the global stage in a neoliberal age. Second, and relatedly, the internal distance between the inviolable body and the vulnerable body is widened by being routed through international circuits of power. Third, implicit in Ndebele's racial narrative of violation and retribution is the kind of environmental narrative that Sinha's novel tells, whereby a corporate bastion of white power deploys a battery of distancing strategies (temporal, legalistic, geographical, scientific, and euphemistic) in the long duree between the initial catastrophe and the aftermath. Through this battery of attritional, dissociative mechanisms the transnational company strives to wear down the environmental justice campaigns that seek compensation, remediation, and restored health and dignity. Under cover of a variety of temporal orders, the company can hope that public memory and demands for restitution will slowly seep out of sight, vanishing into the sands of time.21
The seductive neoliberalist policy redefines how modern racism is utilized and experienced
Roberts and Mahtani, Professors at the University of Toronto in the department of geography and planning,2010, (David and Minelle, “Neoliberalizing Race, Racing Neoliberalism: Placing “Race” in Neoliberal Discourses” http://ccrri.ukzn.ac.za/archive/archive/files/neoliberalizing_race,_racing_neoliberalism-_placing_race_in_neoliberal_discourses__8f9de33fa7.pdf)//JS
We draw from these two examplesto demonstrate that while they both should be lauded in many respects, in both cases, the resulting theorization treats racism as an inevitable result of neoliberalization rather than mutually constitutive with neoliberalizing policies. The racist eruptionsthat resultfrom neoliberal policies and practices are cited, butrace isimagined as a fixed category, where individualracialized groups are seen as distinct and mapped onto neoliberal policy outcomes. Neoliberalization is understood as a socioeconomic processthat has racial implications, but little issaid about the waysthat neoliberalism modifies the way race is experienced or understood in society. We suggest that thistheorization isincomplete. We recommend a move from analyses ofrace and neoliberalism towards analysesthatrace neoliberalism. This kind of analysis more clearly delineates how race and racism are inextricably embedded in the neoliberal project. To begin the process of racing neoliberalism, it is essential to understand neoliberalism as a facet of a racist society that works to both reinforce the racial structure of society, while also modifying the processes of racialization. As other geographers have pointed out(McKitrrick 2006, Pulido 2006, Gilmore 2006)race is a fundamental organizing principle in society. We suggest that there is a seductive, common-sense logic to neoliberalism that reproduces racist ideologies. We highlight the fruitfulness ofthis way of understanding race and neoliberalism in our case study
Racism creates numerous fatal health related problems
Crocker, B.S. in Criminal Justice and M.Ed. in School Counseling, 2007(John, “THE EFFECTS OF RACISM-RELATED STRESS ON THE PSYCHOLOGICAL AND PHYSIOLOGICAL WELL-BEING OF NON-WHITES” RIVIER ACADEMIC JOURNAL, VOLUME 3, NUMBER 1, SPRING 2007 https://www.rivier.edu/journal/rcoaj-spring-2007/j88-crocker.pdf)//JS
Racism-related stress complicates the lives of non-whites in a number of very serious ways. In addition to creating the widely discussed social inequalities, racism has been shown to have a negative impact on one’s psychological and physiological well-being. The psychological distress caused by racism-related stress can be debilitating and may increase the potential that one will adopt negative coping strategies in an effort to alleviate their depression, anxiety, frustration, and anger. Negative coping strategies, such as substance abuse and poor eating habits, affect one’s physiological and social well-beingand do not serve to eliminate one’s problems. Prolonged exposure to racism-related psychological distress can also cause psychosomatization, which can affect one’s physiological wellbeing in a number of serious ways. One may experience increased blood pressure, hypertension, poor immune system functioning, and a slower rate of healing as a result of stress-related psychosomatization. To quote Harrell (2000, p. 48), “The evidence is compelling, and growing, that racism is pathogenic with respect to a variety of physical and mental health outcomes.”
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