Philippine dance

Opera Ballet. Opera ballet is a dance within the context of an opera which may elucidate an idea or symbol, advance a plot, set a place in a vision or a festivity, or present a straightforward divertissement. Ballet in operas became obligatory in France in the 1800s, so that even Richard Wagner had to add a bacchanale ballet in Tannhauser and Giuseppe Verdi in 11 Trovatore and Otello when these were presented in France. When there is dancing in George Bizet's Car- men, the music is interpolated from his other works. Opera ballet may also mean the dancing ensemble permanently attached to most European opera houses, performing most of the dances in opera productions. New York Metropolitan Opera choreographer Boris Romanoff (Romanoff 1949:337 -339) says that contemporary productions stress dancing as part of the whole opera ensemble and in harmony with the overall style of the presentation. He explains the value of this fusion:" The dance in opera must be expressive to the highest degree and in many instances it must be able to contain within itself the meaning and develop- ment of the action of the entire scene or act." Even when stylized, it must "reflect the iconographic and architectural art of a given period." Philippine opera productions have utilized the choreographies of Trudl Dubsky-Zipper, Remedios de Oteyza, Veda Banez, and Edna Vida. As a special genre, the opera ballet spanned the late 1600s to the early 1700s, particularly in France. This genre ties singing and dancing together in a "lyric theatre, more spectacular than dramatic" (Harris 1977:

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FOLKLORIC BALLET. lgorot dances are given a neoclassical and modem dance lnterpretaHon by Agnes Locsln In her lgorot, 1987. (Rudy Vldad, Ballet Philippines Collection)

Folkloric Ballet. Folkloric ballet is a manner of theatrical presentation that utilizes the stories, themes, motifs, and styles found in the arts and culture of the ordinary people or folk. These are adapted to

contemporary theater by editing, ordering, and styl- izing the primary materials of folk music, dances, dramas, literature, and visual arts. Folkloric ballet pioneer Leonor Orosa-Goquingco imbued "the Philippine dance not only with stylization and theatricalization, but also with a theme, a plot, a storyline-with characterization, symbolism, narrative and drama. She produced original dance compositions inspired by a line from history, or from a novel, or a legend or other literary sources" (Orosa 1980). In Fili- pinescas: Life, Legend and Lore in Dance, she pre- sented the following: "Eons Ago: The Legends of Creation" which showed how the bird, the sky, and sea, and the first man and woman came to be; "Long, Long Ago: Tribal Story" which interpreted dances from the Cordillera; "Long Ago: Morolandia" com- posed of "Obay-a-Ragat" or "By the Sea and Malas Kalilag" or "Royal Wedding"; "Yesterday: Cuadros Filipinos," showing flagellants, cockfights, and Jose Rizal's fictional character, Maria Clara; and "Today: The Bird and the Planters," which ends with the bird- costumed tinikling. The contemporary repertoire of folkloric ballets include Basilio's Tropical Tapestry, Agnes Locsin' s Igorot, Gener Caringal' s Vinta and Ang Sultan (The Sultan), Eddie Elejar's Katakata Sin Rajah Indarapatra (Stories of Rajah Indarapatra), Alice Reyes Tapestry/Bayanihan Remembered, and Corazon Generoso-Inigo's Baile de Ayer (Dance of Yesterday). • B.E.S. Villaruz

References: Alejandro 1978; Amberg 1949; Atenido 1972; Beaumont 1935; Buckle 1971, 1979, 1988; Fokine 1961; Gadan 1959; Garafola 1989; Grigoriev 1960; Guest 1966; Harris 1977; Hartendorp 1939, 1940, 1941; Harkell 1934, 1935; Joaquin 1961; Kochno 1970; Lawrence 1950; Lopez 1972; Manor 1950; Massine 1988; Nigruska 1981; Nijinsky 1980; Orosa 1964, 1976-1977, 1980; Ostwald 1991; Percival 1971; Pinon 1976; Pitou 1983; Romanoff 1949, 1980; Shead 1989; Spencer 1974; Taper 1974; Villaruz 12 Dec 1980, 31 Dec 1980, 7 Jan 1981, 14 Jan 1981, 21 Jan 1981, 28 Jan 1981, Dec 1982, 1989; Yu 1990.

BALSE

The balse, from the Spanish valse and the Viennese waltz (meaning "to tum"), is characterized by a series of continuous turning steps in closed ballroom dance position to a musical accompaniment in fast 3/4 time. It was intro- duced and assimilated in the Philippines during the Spanish period. In Philippine folk dances, the balse is called the waltz step or tum performed as a step, close, step, in distinction to the folk waltz of the West which is a step, step, close. The waltz balance is a step, close, and a rise on the ball of the second foot, and a step in place of the first foot. The cross-waltz is a step across in front, a close, and step. Two folk dance steps, the sway-balance

and the engafto, may end with a waltz as part of the combination. There is no precise information on the exact origin of the waltz. Castel-Blaze contends that the waltz is a direct descendant of the galliard. In Orchesographie, 1588, Thoinot Arbeau described the volta, a turning dance of Provence, which some believe is the mother of the waltz. Most dance authorities agree that the Ger- man deutcher (also called tedesco), and the Austrian landler are the more direct forerunners of the waltz. After its ascent from its folk base, and despite strong prohibitions from moralists, the waltz conquered the dance floor. Prudes objected mainly to the close ballroom hold which was called an indecent embrace, the joyous exuberance which was considered wild, and the holding of the tail of the skirt close to the breast. All these were interpreted as scandalous behavior. The appeal of the waltz was such that the different countries evolved their own variations, with the Vien- nese waltz remaining supreme in style and execution. When danced in ballroom style, the Philippine balse comes closest to a combination of the fast Viennese and the slower Boston waltzes. It has no set steps, sequences, or definite style, but is danced according to individual preference and skill. The waltz is included in at least 224 documented Philippine European-style dances. A few balse have been documented. The balse taga- log from Marikina is performed after a religious proces- sion, the lutri1Ul, which involves continuous praying with candles while walking with the image of a patron saint or crucifix. It is meant to alleviate pestilence or drought, and ends at the home of the herma1Ul mayor or sponsor where the balse is performed with much feasting. The balse vieja or waltz of antiquity is from Pan- gasinan and is usually performed on important social occasions. The garambal is coined from gran (grand) and bal (balse), and is performed by two girls and one boy. Strangely enough, the dance does not include a waltz in its figures. The jotabal is a festival dance from Gumaca, Quezon, combining the rhythm of the jota which is in 2/4 time and the balse in 3/4 time. The mazurka valse, also from Gumaca, features unique figures where the girl steps on the feet of the boy. They then proceed to do mincing step turns, walking steps, and lift the feet sideways right and left. Another mazurka valse is that from Kabankalan, Neg- ros Occidental, danced in a closed ballroom position. Still another mazurka valse was previously danced in a long open formation. Today, it is danced in a circle, with waltzing in most of its figures. • C.G. Inigo

References: Fajardo 1964; Katz 1973; Reyes-Tolentino 1946, 1990; Richardson 1960; Spiesman 1970.

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BODABIL DANCING

Bodabil dancing or dancing in the variety show called bodabil consisted mainly of popular and theat- rical dances from the US, but later included Philippine folk dances and choreographies among its production numbers. Bodabil comes from the French "voix de ville" (street songs), or "chansons de vaux de vire" (topical or satirical drinking songs from Normandy), the latter supposedly created by a 15th-century literary society led by Oliver Bosselin. In the late 17th century, Nicolas Boileau (aka Despreaux) applied the term to some ballads. In the 18th century, it became a theatri- cal term for performers of mime, song, and dance. It has also been called "variety entertainment" in the United States. In the Philippines, the show was called vod-a-vil by Lou Borromeo which later became boda- bil. During the Japanese Occupation, bodabil with a melodrama was called stage show. The vaudeville act is part of "low comedy" that requires "precision, polish, timing, and many techni- ques, such as juggling, mime, ballad singing, dancing and acrobatics," and offers "a satirical view of the life of the times in popular language, gesture and move- ment" (Palmer 1978:12). During the American colonial period from 1901 to 1946, vaudeville invaded the Philippines, and ulti- mately ousted the local musical or sarswela. In the United States, it became current mainly through the Pastor family, especially through Tony Pastor, the "father of American vaudeville." In the Philippines, John C. Cowper-who came with Henry Brown-was considered the "dean of Philippine vaudeville." The new form was first seen in sarswela theaters such as the Teatro Zorrilla and Teatro Paz, and novelty houses such as the Savoy Nifties (later Clover), the Rivoli (later Tivoli), and Sirena (later Lux). Then, cinema theaters housed the bodabil with its full extravaganza alongside the regular feature films. During the Japanese Occupa- tion, bodabil became the venue for the expression of Filipino sentiments, even as the Japanese banned American songs and dances. Incorporating the melo- drama as its main attraction, bodabil became known as the stage show. Among the first dancers to perform in Manila bodabil at the tum of the century were Spanish dan- cers like Anita, Emilia, Teresa, Planella, Malfrosa, Juan Panadei, Francisca Nabao (famous for her "flea dance"), the Agita Sisters ("a clever Spanish trio"), and the Frezagonda Sisters. They performed alongside American minstrels, clog, buck-and-wing, and skirt dancers.

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their routine, and are natural dancers" (Maynard 1929:306-307). Noted choreographers who started in bodabil were Bobby Salvador, Jake Jacinto, Nieves Manuet Bayani Casimiro, Jamin Alcoriza, and Al Quinn. Dancers Lucio Sandoval and Shirley Santos staged their own dances in the 1950s when Conching Rosal sang with Bert Alpuerto at the Opera House. Other noted dancers were Paquito Bolero and Angelita "Rhumba" Rey, the Rusca Brothers called "tap dancing wizards"; Dandy, the "tap dancing ex- pert" who became the comedian Casmot; Millie Sparks, later called Lopita; Rosa Aguirre and Metring David. Chichay and Patsy both started as chorus girls. Chiquita and Dolphy were remarkable dancers, too. Casimiro and Nieves Manuel had a famous part- nership and were billed the "Fred Astaire and Ginger Rogers of the Philippines." Casimiro's comedy team with Jose Cris Soto made them the "Laurel and Hardy of the Philippines." Later dance stars were Ramon Zamora and Jun Aristorenas who later became action stars, Shirley Santos, Marie Cui, Arturo Zamora, and Dinky de la Cruz, who were mostly members of Alcor- iza and Quinn's Modernaires. Bodabil was at its height at the time of the cake- walk, one-step, foxtrot, tango, charleston, and big apple, as well as the Latin rhumba, samba, and cur- racha of the 1940s, the conga, pachanga, apalachicho- la, calypso, and charranga, and the post-WWII mambo,

BODABIL

BODABIL DANCING. A bodabil presentaHon In the Manila Grand Opera House In the 1950s featured dancers In a Carrlbean number. (Cultural Center of the Philippines Ubrary Collection)

bossa nova, and cha-cha. Philippine folk dances were also performed by Lucio Sandoval and Patria Panahon or Aida Gonzales, or arranged by Paz Cielo Angeles Belmonte. The era also witnessed the popularity of tap, soft-shoe, can-can, apache and adagio dancing, also called eccentric or esthetic, grotesque or acrobatic. Bodabil or stage show began to decline in the 1950s, when theaters like the Inday and Art featured burlesque dancing in haba-haba shows, an unsavory term for bodabil. Among the burlesque dancers were Virgie Night, Betty Co, Nina White, Jenny Moh, and Carlotta. In the 1970s, burlesque dancing drew male audiences to the Dragon and Playboy theaters. From the 1960s on, television threatened the stage show and even the movie theaters. Attempts in the 1960s to revive legitimate bodabil on stage came to naught despite the efforts of choreographer Corazon Generoso- lii.igo. Her father, Jose Generoso, was a noted producer- director for the bodabil. The stage show, however, con- tinued to be popular as entertainment in provincial fiestas and to a great extent, was resurrected in the variety shows on television or radio, which absorbed many of the old bodabil artists. • B.E.S. Villaruz

References: Contreras 29 Jul 1989; Dizon 28 Feb 1958; Fernandez in Tum of the Century; Hering 1954; "Birth of Modern Dance" 1986; Katy! 1989; Lorenzo 31 Jul 1988; Maynard 1929; "Nu- dity, Artistry and Ethnic Theatricality" 1987; Palmer 1978; Pangan 1979; Pastrano 1991; Rodriguez 1958; Stearns 1979; Villanueva 1988; Villaruz 1983.

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FORMS

A courtship dance is a ceremonial dance in which the male pursues a female who may accept or reject the male's attention. Courtship dances are usually per- formed during special occasions. Wedding dances are performed by newlyweds to formalize before the com- munity members the new relationships that have been forged by the couple, their families, and relatives. There are hundreds of courtship dances in the Philippines. The very young can begin with game dances, such as the Tausug-Samal igal ha panyuh. European-inspired social dances, such as the indige- nized minuet alcamfor from Leyte and the habasinan in Pangasinan, can also be vehicles for courtship. The ex- hibitionistic kuratsa in llocos, Bicol, and the Visayas can start with playful male-female contests and end in mutual understanding. Even a combat dance among the Tiruray which is done at weddings, the dance rivalry over a widow among the Talaingod and the rivalry over a man among the Matigsalug are dances of courtship. The apas-apas (going after) at a belasyon (novena at a wake) in Antique is a courtship dance, as are the Tagalog and Visayan varieties of the balitaw that feature a song and dance debate between males and females. The Sa- mar ismayling (from English, smiling) and the sampa- guita from Cebu are similar to the balitaw. The cariiiosa features the devious yet obvious devices of a fan and a handkerchief for a play of hide-and-seek in many of its figures. These devices are also used in the pag-aring in Samar. A pair of earrings is used in the putrillo of Leyte, a Chinese saucer in the pinggan-pinggan of Bohol, and the sampaguita in the an marol of Samar. The like (coquet- ry) in Negros and Antique may go beyond the man's pleading to the woman's lifting of her skirt. The man may play-act, looking dejected with an elbow on a knee and his drooped head propped up by a spurned hand as in the maramyon in Leyte, and the voluntario in Iloilo and Antique which is about guerril- las during the Spanish colonial era, or the lingawen in Samar, which is similarly about a subversive who goes off to the mountains. The man may pretend to be dying in the Abra biniganbigat. Instead of the usual pair, two girls and a boy perform the Cebuano Ia berde, a courtship and wedding dance. A woman may "resist" by putting up her palms, shading her face, or by mimicking a clam in the gumanhap of Cebu. She may play hele-hele (coy), as in a dance so named or in the saguin-saguin of Albay. Another Visayan courtship dance is the miligoy performed by a couple, usually at weddings, baptisms, and fiestas.

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The man may brag about his strength with "seven spears and eight bolo" in the inday na kunday in Leyte, to which the woman replies that only God is really powerful. On the other hand, a woman may be so dis- traught over a man's relentless pursuit as to stab herself in the punyal ni Rosa (Rosa's dagger) in Laguna. Love can be sad, as in the llocano sileleddaang with its figure called patay (with one dancer despairing, the other com- forting), which is also found in the ti liday and purpuri, of Tarlac. In the Capiz sa-ad, the hapless Indo serves Aning and her family for a long time, only to find out that she has eloped with someone else. The objects of courtship in the lulay of Laguna, the manang biday of Ilocos (both with singing), the rogelia of La Union, and the pastora of Pangasinan are quite obvious. Less precise are the costurera (seam- stress) of lloilo, the virgoire (virgin air) of Antique, the kumakaret (wine or vinegar maker) of Pangasinan, the ilocana a nasudi (the lovely llocana) of llocos Norte, the timawa (free person) of Capiz, the libon boli (beauti- ful lady) of Cotabato, and the magkatipan (sweetheart) and the sa yaw sa pag-ibig (dance for love) among the Tagalog. The metaphors are obvious in the ohoy, ali- bangbang (hey, butterfly) of Capiz, and the mariposa of Pangasinan, where boys pretend to be butterflies to the girls' flowers, or flirtatious doves in the palomita coquitana of Capiz and the salampati of Samar. In the Sulu archipelago, there are many courtship dances, like the dalling-dalling, the sua-sua, and the

gandingan. The pangalay varieties, include the bulah- bulah, which is danced with bamboo castanets; the igal ha agung where a woman teases a man into crawling and rolling after her; the pangasig where a man teases a woman with a tungtung (small gong); and the pangilok and eringan, which are similar, except that the latter uses janggay or extended false fingernails (Amilbangsa 1983). Nuptial negotiations and ceremonies are such great occasions that they may, as among the Maguindanao in Cotabato and the Tagbanua in Palawan, take many days and the aid of a go-between before they are concluded. Marriages must be negotiated according to the parties' worth, compatibility, and, finally, dowry. After arrange- ments are concluded, the marriage ceremony and feast are held. At the feast, the newlywed couple or their rela- tives and friends perform distinct dances. A traditional Cebuano wedding dance performed as a tribute to the newly married couple is the alap, also re- ferred to as alusalus or gala-gala. Here, a couple repre- senting the groom's relatives dance, urging the guests to make an offering to the bride by putting coins in a basin or plate placed near the bride's feet. Then, a couple representing the bride's relatives dance, exhorting all to make a similar offering for the couple by placing coins in the plate or basin at the groom's feet. In one variant, relatives, friends, and guests place coins in a container as an offering to the new couple. In another regional variant, the bride and groom themselves dance on a mat spread out on the floor while guests throw money onto the mat. After the dance, the mat is rolled up and the money gathered and given to the couple. In other regional versions, the newlywed couple dance with each other or with relatives, as the audience pin money on the wedding costumes of bride and groom. A wife may be extremely attentive, as in the hula- kenya of Camarines Norte, where the woman serves a man seated in a chair by putting his hat on his head, wiping his forehead, and combing his hair. She may also bring him lunch and help him in the field in the sainita of Nueva Vizcaya, or rebuke him for leaving her in the pinatalatto cu ta futu cao of Cagayan. The man may leave but pledge loyalty, as in the despedida of Capiz. There are wedding dances that feature not only dancing by the bride and groom, but also their respec- tive parents in cross-tandem (bride's father and groom's mother, etc.), as well as gala or gift giving. Paper money may also be pinned to the couple's suit and gown as in the pandanggo ivatan in Batanes, the jota echaguefta in Isabela, the sinasambali in Zam- bales, the pantomina in Bicol, the mascota in Cagayan, the Isinay imbestida in Nueva Vizcaya, the pinundo- pundo in Cuyo, and the pandang-pandang, also known as the yano pandanifto, in Antique. In this last

COURTSHIP DANCE

dance, the groom supposedly dances and prances about as though he had a gecko in his trousers. Parents also inevitably dance in the likod-likod in Ormoc, the lauderes in Iloilo, lhe virgoire, and the soryano in Antique, and among the Tagbanua in Pala- wan, the escala in Misamis Occidental, and the urukay of Antique, where the man makes the woman crawl through his legs. The magbalaye (in-laws) also dance the more metaphorical kandang-kandang in Antique, which in a song to nature sung by a manoglanton makes references specifically to a planet so named that looks like a sea urchin. The anuncio in Mindoro starts with the groom looking for his bride in a crowd. He flourishes his hapay or kerchief or drops it before her. The onlookers sing songs of flattery and wordplay. In the hilo de iris in Antique, the bride and groom are offered a "thread of flowers." The desposorio of Bulacan starts with the groom leading a procession to his bride's house, bear- ing the picture of Joseph and Mary, model husband and wife. At the bride's house, there is more dancing; in Panasahan, Malolos, this dance is called sayaw panasahan. The sabalan lulay in Oriental Mindoro features a long wedding ritual in four parts: the saba- Ian, the pamalaye, the sabog, and dapit. The verse for the Ibanag dance wawway (Cagayan) is both assi- duous and whimsical: "I brought a handkerchief/as soft as a new leaf/to wipe only the perspiration/ especially the face of my inspiration/Aye, aye, you're perspiring/come hither, I do the wiping/lest 'twill be dried by the wind/you'll get sick and lose your whim." The courtship and nuptial dances of several small linguistic groups are imitative. The balatan imitates a rooster, with a Bontoc male circling a maiden. Also in Bontoc, the palakis, danced during a caftao, begnas (feast before farming), or wedding, features a man and a woman who hold up or shake colorful blankets as they tum or circle around. Among the Apayao and the Tinguian, dancers imitate swooping birds with the same use of blankets in the pingpingaw and the tadek. Blankets are also flourished in the Kalinga salip. The Ifugao imitate hawks in the wedding feast called uya- uy, as do the Manobo in the binanog, where two women try to attract one man. The Bilaan imitate the flight and chirping of mating birds in the kanfu de dafeng. The Tboli imitate the birds by manipulating a malong (tubular skirt) or a shawl, while a man dances with a haglong (a boatlike guitar). In the Tiruray sinuk- do, a couple circles a kerchief, which the woman picks up at the end. Instead of cloth, a Subanon maiden holds up a shredded banana leaf and a male shakes a kalasag (shield) in the pangalitawo. Among the Bago- bo, a scarf placed on a partner's shoulder means assent