Positions, Comparison, and Contextualization



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Bibliography

Alexander, Jeffrey C. "The Promise of Cultural Sociology: Technological Discourse and the Sacred and Profane Information Machine." In Theory of Culture, edited by Richard Munch and Neil J. Smelser, 293-323. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1992.


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Walton, Steven A. An Introduction to the Mechanical Arts in the Middle Ages, 2003, available at http://www.compilerpress.atfreeweb.com/Anno%20Walton%20An%20Introduction%20to%20the%20Mechanical%20Arts%20in%20the%20Middle%20Ages%20AVISTA%202003.htm, accessed July 5, 2007.


1 Earlier sociological accounts on the discourses accompanying the introduction of computing cast it within the Durkhemian sociological frame of the sacred and the profane (Alexander, 1992) and the sociology of magic (Stahl, 1995).

2 The later medieval tradition arrayed the mechanical arts in a range from technological to economic subjects: shoemaking, armaments, commerce, tailoring, metalwork, and alchemy, and occasionally agriculture, navigation, and music, among others (Walton, 2003).

3 According to Segal the principal allegiance of the new technological utopians is not to the public sector, but to the private. In addition, the new technological utopians favor the big corporation and not big government; their prime motivation is personal gain and not serious social change (Segal, 1994, 177).

4 Peters asserts that “the dualism of communication – at once bridge and chasm – arose from new technologies and their spiritualist reception, which capped a long tradition of speculating about immaterial mental contact” (1999, 5).

5 John Staudenmaier (1985) discusses the contextualist position in the history of technology.

6 For a comprehensive description and interpretation of the utopian discourse on the internet, see Katz-Kimchi, 2007.

7 Bill Gates, for example, in his The Road Ahead, explains that “[t]his is meant to be a serious book, although ten years from now it may not appear that way. What I’ve said that turned out to be right will be considered obvious and what was wrong will be humorous.”; (1995, xiii) Esther Dyson in her Release 2.0 confesses that “[m]y goal in this book is to pass on a little of my sense of the richness and potential of the Net. …Much of what I’m writing about is just starting to happen. Some of it is inevitable; some of it is not. Some of it could come true.”(1997, 3).

8 Howard Rheingold, for example, wrote that in the early 1990s he “was astonished to realize that the highest levels of American telecommunications industries had not awakened to the revolution that was overtaking them” (2000, 394); Louis Rossetto wrote in 1993 that the “digital revolution is whipping through our lives like a Bengali typhoon – while the mainstream media is still groping for the snooze button.” (Rossetto, http://www.elon.edu/predictions/prediction2.aspx?id=JQA-1838, accessed August 8, 2006). Needless to say, in their writing Rheingold and Rossetto stress the benign social, political and economical implications of the on-going digital revolution. Nicholas Negropone wrote in 1995 that “[t]he harmonizing effect of being digital is already apparent as previously partitioned disciplines and enterprises find themselves collaborating, not competing.” (p. 230).

9 On the relatively large time gap between the predictions of the turn-of-the-century technological utopians and the expected utopias, see Segal, 1985, 21-23. On the increasing shorter time gaps between prophecy and fulfillment in the various expressions of technological utopianism since the 1930s, see p. 126-127.

10 See, for example, http://jeffsutherland.com/objwld98/current.html, accessed June 27, 2007.

11 For the telegraph see Czitrom, 1982, 6-7, 12; for the telephone see Pool, 1983, 71; for the radio see Davis, 1976, 84-85 and Douglas, 1987, 306; for the television see Davis, 1976, 86.

12 For the telegraph see Pool, 1983, 89 and Czitrom, 1982, 10; for the telephone see Pool, 1983, 89; for the radio see Davis, 1976, 127,131; for the television see Davis, 1976, 130-131.

13 For the telephone see Marvin, 1988, 196-197 and Pool, 1983, 151; for the radio see Davis, 1976, 86-88 and Douglas, 1987, 306.

14 Davis, 1976, 379; Spigel, 1992, 2-3.

15 For the telegraph see Czitrom, 1982, 12; for the telephone see Pool, 1983, 68-69, 145; for the radio see Davis, 1976, 119-122.

16 Davis, 1976, 84 and Douglas, 1987, 309.

17 For the radio see Davis, 1976, 79-80; for the television see Davis, 1976, 83, 354.

18 Davis, 1976, 333-334, 326, 342 and Douglas, 1987, 309.

19 According to Segal, high-tech (including computing and biotechnology) “enhances individual sanctity” (p. 166). Segal argues that “especially in the period from roughly 1920 through 1970, technology [in general] in the United States and elsewhere was commonly conceived as being the principal solution to widely acknowledged large-scale problems like poverty, irrigation, electric power, and education” (p. 166).

20 For cyberspace as “semantic space” see Floridi, 1999, 61.

21 According to a New York Times analysis of census results, in 2005 51 percent of women said they were living without a spouse, up from 35 percent in 1950 and 49 percent in 2000. In 2005 married couples became a minority in all American households for the first time (Roberts, 2007).

22 The patterns of watching TV have changed dramatically over the last 20 years. With the decrease in prices of TV sets, more and more family members watch TV on an individual basis in separate rooms.

23 Held, McGraw, Goldblatt & Perraton (1999) describe the contemporary stage of globalization as an accelerated one.


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