Tampa Prep 2009-2010 Impact Defense File
No solvency – countries don’t want the US to lead but rather to contribute
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- 4. Alternate causality – failure to ratify chemical control treaties tanks environmental credibility.
- AT: Environmental Racism/Justice
3. No solvency – countries don’t want the US to lead but rather to contribute.Clifton 4/19/2007 IPS staff(Eli – Inter Press Service, “World Opposed to US as Global Cop,” CommonDreams, http://www.commondreams.org/archive/2007/04/19/617/, EA)WASHINGTON - The world public rejects the U.S. role as a world leader, but still wants the United States to do its share in multilateral efforts and does not support a U.S. withdrawal from international affairs, says a poll released Wednesday.The survey respondents see the United States as an unreliable “world policeman”, but views are split on whether the superpower should reduce its overseas military bases. The people of the United States generally agreed with the rest of the world that their country should not remain the world’s pre-eminent leader or global cop, and prefer that it play a more cooperative role in multilateral efforts to address world problems. The poll, the fourth in a series released by the Chicago Council on Global Affairs and WorldPublicOpinion.org since the latter half of 2006, was conducted in China, India, United States, Indonesia, Russia, France, Thailand, Ukraine, Poland, Iran, Mexico, South Korea, Philippines, Australia, Argentina, Peru, Israel, Armenia and the Palestinian territories. The three previous reports covered attitudes toward humanitarian military intervention, labour and environmental standards in international trade, and global warming. Those surveys found that the international public generally favoured more multilateral efforts to curb genocides and more far-reaching measures to protect labour rights and combat climate change than their governments have supported to date. Steven Kull, editor of WorldPublicOpinion.org, notes that this report confirms other polls which have shown that world opinion of the United States is bad and getting worse, however this survey more closely examines the way the world public would want to see Washington playing a positive role in the international community. Although all 15 of the countries polled rejected the idea that, “the U.S. should continue to be the pre-eminent world leader in solving international problems,” only Argentina and the Palestinian territories say it “should withdraw from most efforts to solve international problems.” 4. Alternate causality – failure to ratify chemical control treaties tanks environmental credibility.Schafer 9/6/2006 staff – Foreign Policy in Focus(Kristin S. – With other authors and editors, Foreign Policy in Focus, “One More Failed US Environmental Policy,” http://www.fpif.org/fpiftxt/3492, EA)Back in 2001, two global toxics treaties offered a rare opportunity for U.S. leadership in the international environmental policy arena. Today not only is the opportunity for leadership lost, but the United States seems bent on undermining the effectiveness of these important treaties while the rest of the world moves ahead on implementation. The issues at hand are global elimination of persistent chemicals and control of trade in toxics, and the two international treaties that address these challenges are the Stockholm Convention on Persistent Organic Pollutants and the Rotterdam Convention on the Prior Informed Consent Procedure for Certain Hazardous Chemicals and Pesticides in International Trade. As of August 2006, at least 127 countries had ratified the Stockholm Convention, and 110 had confirmed the Rotterdam Convention. Both conventions have been in force for more than two years, but the United States has yet to approve either. AT: Environmental Racism/Justice1. Claims of environmental racism are flawed – studies show there is no discriminatory siting. Glasgow 5 (Joshua, Yale Law School JD candidate, Buffalo Environmental Law Journal, 13 Buff. Envt’l L.J. 69, Fall, ln) In addition to courtroom difficulties, the environmental justice movement was challenged by a number of studies in the mid-1990s challenging the evidence of discriminatory siting and exposure. [*76] An influential University of Massachusetts study conducted in 1994 examined over five hundred hazardous waste facilities and found no evidence of discriminatory siting. 27 Additionally, scholars challenged the earlier studies' methodologies, including the sample selection, the definition of minority, the geographic scope examined, and the failure to control for other variables. 28 In a series of articles, Vicki Been set forth a particularly powerful critique of environmental justice studies. 29 Been notes that most studies examined the contemporary makeup of a neighborhood impacted by a LULU, not its makeup at the time of siting. 30 This method ignores the possibility that a LULU would lower nearby housing prices, causing affluent residents to move away. These residents would be replaced by lower-income individuals, attracted by the lower housing prices. As a result of these market dynamics, even LULUs located in a wealthy neighborhood could later become surrounded by the poor. 31 This "chicken-or-the-egg" dilemma has plagued the environmental justice literature. 32 2. No environmental racism – the market makes it inevitable and their studies are flawed. Evans 98 (Jill E, Samford U associate law prof., “Challenging the Racism in Environmental Racism: Redefining the Concept of Intent”, Arizona Law Review, 40 Ariz. L. Rev. 1219, p. 1252-1256, ln) Despite the evidence of race-based inequities in the distribution of toxic waste facilities, critics of the "environmental racism" theory attack either the methodology underlying the empirical studies 166 or the conclusions drawn from the empirical evidence. 167 Methodological criticisms have challenged the parameters [*1253] used to define "minority community," 168 population densities, 169 the statistical significance of the results, 170 and the failure of environmental justice studies to include information regarding the correlation between the actual population risk and exposure. 171 [*1254] A more frequent criticism asserts that the use of zip codes as opposed to census tract data to establish the boundaries of the "community" renders the data less reliable. A study by the University of Massachusetts-Amherst ("UMass"), where census tract data as opposed to zip codes was used to compare demographics, found minorities were no more likely to live in neighborhoods 172 with commercial hazardous waste facilities than in neighborhoods without them. 173 Waste Management Inc., using the same methodology employed by the UCC Report, contends that of 130 waste disposal units in their system, 174 76% were in communities with a white population equal to or greater than the host state average. 175 However, an update of the UCC Report authored by Benjamin [*1255] Goldman, using 1990 census data and again using zip codes as the defining parameter, found "a continued disturbing correlation between the location of hazardous waste facilities and communities where people of color live." 176 Goldman acknowledges the contradictory findings of the UMass study, asserting that its conclusions are due largely to design decisions, but contends that other studies using census tracts as the geographic unit found "significant disproportionate impacts by race." 177 The most prominent and frequent criticisms, however, question whether the empirical evidence supports the inference or conclusion of racial bias or whether it merely reflects an economic reality. 178 In other words, detractors contend it is not race per se that defines and determines siting decisions but rather a community's location on the socio-economic scale. 179 These economic realities [*1256] focused on cost as the primary consideration. Kent Jeffreys, Director of Environmental Studies for the Competitive Enterprise Institute, testified before a congressional subcommittee that "poor people and minorities do not attract polluters. Low-cost land does, and for the same reasons that it attracts poor people." 180 The UCC Report acknowledged that land values tended to be cheaper in poorer neighborhoods and therefore more attractive to polluting industries. 181 3. Their claims of environmental racism are misconceived – the environmental justice movement overlooks differences in communities to misevaluate environmental harm. Popescu and Gandy 4 (Mihaela and Oscar H Jr., profs. of communication at U PA, Journal of Environmental Law and Litigation, 19 J. Envtl. L. & Litg. 141, Spring, p. 161, ln) The commentators of the environmental justice movement have usually overlooked the fact that the notion of community encompasses very different social space and treats communities interchangeably. The difference between a suburban community and a city neighborhood, for example, rests both in the array of concerns and in the social organization of the residents around different notions of space. Since toxic landfills are usually located in the suburbs, claims of discriminatory noxious sitings are more characteristic for suburban communities. In contrast, concern for the discriminatory enforcement of public policies such as zoning, housing, and access to public services is likely to be in the realm of neighborhoods. Directory: files -> documents documents -> North Mankato Taylor Library documents -> In the Red and Brown Water documents -> - documents -> I. Disaster Summary Sheet II. 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