67 Van Herpen, 173 “Mabetex was a construction company that was said to have paid $15 million in kickbacks to Yeltsin, his two daughters, and senior Kremlin officials, in order to receive a renovation contract for the Kremlin buildings.”
68 Van Herpen, 173 ; Dawisha, Karen. Putin's Kleptocracy: Who Owns Russia? New York: Simon & Schuster, 2014. Print. pg 203
69 Van Herpen, 173 ; Dawisha, 203
70 Szaszdi, Russian Civil Military Relations, 281
73 Szaszdi, Russian Civil Military Relations, 318
74 Ibid, 328
75 Mansfeld and Snyder, 258
76 Smith, 632
77 Mansfeld and Snyder, 258
78 Mansfeld and Snyder, 258
79 Traynor, Ian. "Business as Usual for Kremlin Cronies as Putin Era Begins." The Guardian. N.p., 5 Jan. 2000. Web. 7 May 2015. <http://www.theguardian.com/world/2000/jan/05/russia.iantraynor>.
80 Mansfeld and Snyder, 258
81 Mansfeld and Snyder, 67
82OSCE Report on Russian Federation's 1999 State Duma Elections. Rep. OSCE, n.d. Web. pg 16
86OSCE Report on Russian Federation's 1999 State Duma Elections, 18; Gazprom was the state natural gas company
87OSCE Report on Russian Federation's 1999 State Duma Elections, 3
88OSCE Final Report on Russian Federation's Presidential Election 2000. Rep. OSCE, n.d. Web.
89 I include ideology as a separate level of analysis for the sake of organization and clarity. Ideology plays a role in all the other levels of analysis. The international level of analysis is mainly influenced by the Neo-Eurasianist strategic culture of the Russian Federation. The domestic level of analysis is influenced by ideology through the Russian government’s strategic framing of the war in terms of a fight against terrorism when attempting to enlist public support. Finally, the individual level of analysis is penetrated by ideology, because Putin was a more ardent Neo-Eurasianist than his predecessor to the prime ministership, who was sacked in favor of Putin.
90 Szaszdi, Lajos F. "Russian Civil-Military Relations in 1999: Origins of the Second Chechen War." Order No. 3191603 The Catholic University of America, 2005. Ann Arbor: ProQuest. Web. 17 July 2015. pg 12
91 Skocpol, Theda. "Cultural Idioms and Political Ideologies in the Revolutionary Reconstruction of State Power: A Rejoinder to Sewell." The Journal of Modern History 57.1 (1985): 86-96. JSTOR. Web. 02 Apr. 2015. pg 91
92 Szaszdi, “Russian Civil-Military Relations in 1999,” 26
94 Although this could be seen as a strategic framing of the conflict, as opposed to an ideological framing of the conflict, Skocpol’s definition specifically posits that ideologies, ‘are developed and deployed by particular groups or alliances engaged in temporally specific political conflicts or attempts to justify the use of state power’ (Skocpol 91); thus, the deployment of a new rationale (anti-terrorism) to justify the use of state power in Chechnya during a specific temporal period can be soundly classified as ideological within the theoretical framework of this paper.
95 Pain, “The Second Chechen War: The information component,” n.p.
96 Pain, Emil. “The Chechen War in the Context of Contemporary Russian Politics" Chechnya: From past to Future. Ed. Richard Sakwa. London: Anthem, 2005. N. pag. Print. pg 71
97 Bacon, Edwin, Bettina Renz, and Julian Cooper. Securitising Russia: The Domestic Politics of Putin. Manchester: Manchester UP, 2006. Print.
98 Pain, “The Second Chechen War: The Information Component” n.p.
99 Szaszdi, Russian Civil-Military Relations, 14
100 Szaszdi, “Russian Civil-Military Relations in 1999,” 27