The theology of the balaam oracles: a pagan diviner and the word of god

sarily have destroyed all settled hopes of dying the death of the righteous."²

He adds that those slight concessions to duty might have kept him from per-

fect despair. Balaam, as may be seen from the passage in Micah 6, he

avers, "had the most just and true notions of God and religion,"³ yet he

continually practices self-deception.

It is on this note that Butler concludes his sermon:

How much soever men differ in the course of life they prefer and

in their ways of paliating and excusing their vices to themselves;

yet all agree in the one thing, desiring to die the death of the

righteous, This is surely remarkable.⁴

If we discard the exegetical flaw relative to the interpretation 4

he gave to Micah 6, we find in Butler's sermon a rather balanced approach

178

thing of the religion of Israel and of the nature of the God of Israel. But there

was a fundamental flaw in his character, the wickedness of his heart that

destrpued him. He was hence a pagan diviner who was used of God, but who

not rightly related to Yahweh.
An Understanding of His Role: Daiches

If Balaam is not to be regarded as a prophet of Yahweh in the

strict sense, the question still remains, "what was his role?" Our answer

seems to lie in the direction pointed out by Samuel Daiches in 1909.¹ Rather

than point to parallels in the Arabic higa' imprecation poetry as is done by

others,² Daiches pointed to parallels in the Mesopotamian cultic prophets.

Since we have already established that the homeland of Balaam is in North

Syria, it is more fitting to look for cultural ties in Mesopotamia than in (late)

Arabian society.

It is the position of Daiches that "there exists evidence which

goes to prove that Balaam was a sorcerer pure and simple.”³ It is upon com-

parison with Babylonian religious-magical texts that Daiches suggests that

there are more magical elements in the narrative of Numbers 22-24 than are

generally recognized. In addition to the overt references to magical arts in

of Num 22, 2--24, 24 and Some Babylonian Parallels," Assyrisches und

50-80.

179

mantic arts. Some of those parallels are to be found in the Babylonian texts

describing the mantic acts of the baru, the diviner of Mesopotamia.²

Daiches suggests that the reference in Numbers 22:41 to

preparatory sacrifice in the morning finds its parallel in the baru ceremony.

Examples he cites read: "Thy servant, so and so, may in the early morning

bring a sacrifice," and "At the dawn of the morning before sunrise, shall

the diviner wash himself in the purification vessel."³ Further, the notice

in Numbers 23:1-2 to the offering of seven bulls and seven rams on seven

altars has parallels in Babylonian ritual. In addition to altars and sac-

rifices in threes and eights, Daiches cites the prescription for seven lambs

sacrificed on seven altars.⁴

Moreover, the supposed gloss in Numbers 23:2, "and Balak

and Balaam offered," is stated to be in full conformity with the Babylonian

ritual Daiches writes, "the sacrifices are brought by both the diviner and

the person for whom he divines" [his emphasis].⁵ Hence, he regards

and 24:1, "and he did not go as at other times to seek Omens. " Ibid., p.

60. There is also the testimony of Joshua 13:22 in which Balaam is termed

"The soothsayer," "diviner" [sseOq.ha].

AH, I, 109-110. The dictionaries spell the word baru; Daiches, baru.

instructions, I designated one lamb for each: (lit.: seven opposite seven)."

180

Further, he argues that it was important that Balak as bel niqe,

“the owner of the sacrifice, " remain by the burnt offering (Num. 23:3a) to pray

while the diviner did his work.¹ The emphasis on the place of sacrifice is

fitting as well. The place was called a-sar purusse baruti, "the place of the

decision, " [a-sar d ] i-nim, "the place of judgment," and a-sar bi-ra u pur-

Daiches finds a reference to a magical act of Balaam in Numbers

23:3 in the words "and I will go." He cites a passage where the king of Kutha

was in great distress and hence called upon the diviners, prepared sacrifices,

erected altars, and asked the gods by means of the diviners what he should do.

All of this is quite in keeping with what we read in the Balaam narrative. The

section from the Babylonian text continues, "The gods did not give any judg-

ment to my going." The words "my going" (ana alakiya) seem to be parallel to

my going" (ana barutiya), and both refer to "some magical performance."³

Another reference to magical acts in Numbers 23:3 is the use of

the word hr,q.Ayi. The implication is that God was not expected to appear to

him in a vision as to a regular prophet, but as the result of manipulation, or of

Balak was praying.

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omina of oil-omina.¹ If favorable, the gods would appear to the baru. An

Akkadian parallel used by Daiches is translated, "Then, i, e., if the omina

favourable, Samas and Adad, the great gods, the Lords of the oracle,

the Lords of the decision, will come to him, give a decision for him, answer

him with a firm promise." Daiches says that the Akkadian word izzazusumma

("will come to him") may be compared with Hebrew ytxrql...hrqy. Also

the expression in Numbers 23:3, "And whatever he will show me, I will

tell thee," is taken by Daiches as "a clear divination expression." The

word baru means the "seer" and barutu means "the seeing" of the omina.²

Daiches rejects the emendations of the word ypw in Numbers

23:3 proffered by many commentaries. He suggests the intent of the last

element in verse 3 to be that Balaam performed his divination ceremonies,

looked at his omina, and then awaited the decision of God. He further

suggests that the elliptical statement ypw may signify the magical work

in a vague way, "in order not to describe in the Bible in detail actual sor-

cery.”³

As to the meaning of the very difficult word ypw, usually

arts: (1) extispicy, divination by the inspection of entrails [ the larger

number of entries in the article]; (2) lecanomancy, divination by the in-

spection of water (and oil) in a basin; and (3) libanomancy, divination by

the inspection of the movement of smoke.

² Daiches, "Balaam, " pp. 64-65. ³ Ibid., p. 65.

182

an Akkadian passage:

(If the omina are not clear [ on the basis of earlier lines], then)

the diviner shall wash himself in the purification vessel, in the

place of judgment, quietly [ saqumme ], after the step has ceased

[ ki sepu parsat ], shall put the (divination) cup and perform the

lifting of his hands.

The word ypw Daiches suggests, may be related to saqumme

in the Babylonian text, and refer to "quietly." Another semantic relationship

may be to connect the Hebrew word to ki sepu parsat, making ypw

identical to sepu and would mean "by pace, step by step." Concerning the

latter, Daiches disclaims rashness: "I should, however, like to point out

that I put forward this identification with all possible reserve.” In either

case, there is a reference to magical acts.¹

Turning to Numbers 23:15, Daiches suggests that the verse

should be translated, "Stand thus beside your burnt offering. " It is his

impression that the Hebrew word hk refers to the manner of standing when
^l Ibid , pp. 65-66, 66, n. 4. He writes, "This explanation

of ypw as meaning either "quietly" or with hindered step" (especially the

second explanation) would be greatly supported by a Talmudic tradition that

Balaam was lame on one leg. Sota 10^a and Sanhedrin 105^a we find the

following saying of R. Johanan. . . 'Balaam was lame on one leg, because

it is written ypw jlyv.' These two words could prove Balaam's lameness

only if ypw means 'slowly, quietly' or, still better, 'with hindered step'.

Only then could R. Johanan arrive at the conclusion that Balaam was lame. "

Daiches is cautious in pressing this interpretation; he suggests that it

is sufficient to suggest the magical associations of "the quiet or hindered

step of the diviner." Ibid., pp. 66-67. The evidence from the Talmud is

cited in the present paper on pp. 43-51. For a recent study in which the

older meaning "bare height" is defended, see Karl Elligen, "Der Sinn des

hebraischen Wortes ypiw;,” ZAW LXXXIII (1971), 317-29.

183

anticipating a "decision." Moreover, in both oracles in chapter 23 there

accidental; rather it is necessary in the baru mantic forms. "The baru," he

writes, "while giving his answer, has to address the person for whom he

divines.”¹

The attempt at a third oracle (Num. 23:25-24:9) may have been

necessitated because of the role of the number three in the magic of the

Mesopotamian culture. Daiches cites Akkadian texts in which incantations

had to be recited three times, three altars had to be built, three censors had

to be placed before the gods, three lambs had to be sacrificed, and the like.

Hence, Balak would not give up until he tried for a third time. However, in

the third instance,

suddenly Balaam gives up his divination. He does not even want

to try a third time, perhaps in order not to lose his reputation as a

baru, as he might have done if he had failed for a third time. Num.

24, 1 tells us clearly that Balaam discarded the magical divination.²

Daiches also points to certain designations of Balaam and

shows them to correspond to designations used of the baru. In Numbers

24:4, 16, Balaam describes himself as "he who hears the words of God" and

"who knows the knowledge of the Most High." He then points to the words

not address Balak as he had done formerly. Daiches' suggestion as to the

184

of the gods.”¹

Further, the mention of Balaam’s father's name (Num. 24:3, 15)

be explained as referring to his position as a baru. "The barutu was

hereditary and went from the father to the son. The mentioning of his father's

name should show that he was a proper baru, descending from a family of

diviners."² Again, it is of more than passing interest to observe that in the

Babylonian texts the baru is consulted by the king with frequency.³ We may

conclude this survey of Daiches' work by citing his last paragraph:

Through the foregoing remarks, I venture to think, the whole

Balaam episode becomes clearer. The verses dealing with the pre-

parations for Balaam's ‘visions’ refer, as shown, to magical cere-

monies and performances as prescribed by the Babylonian ritual for

the baru. It is probable that Balaam’s magical work was intentionally

referred to in the Bible in a veiled way, and it is through the Baby-

lonian parallels quoted above that the full meaning of the passages

in question could be elucidated. . . . And the question as to the

character of Balaam can now, I think, be answered with fair certainty.

The Babylonian evidence adduced in these pages no doubt goes to

show that Balaam was a Babylonian baru.⁴

question of the identity of the home of Balaam, Pethor, should be answered

as well. "It was no doubt situated in Mesopotamia. It is naturally from the

land of magic that the great magician was fetched, " p. 70, n. 1. With

this remark, compare the extensive discussion above, pp. 154-56.

185

We may now turn to a synthesis of the character and role of

Balaam, that "monstrosity of prophecy." As has been observed in the pre-

ceding discussion, the question, “Is Balaam a true prophet of Yahweh?" may

not be the best statement of the issue. The question should rather be stated,

“In what role does Balaam function?" He is neither a "true prophet" nor a

"false prophet," in the usual meaning of those terms. He is rather altogether

outside the history of prophecy in Israel. He is a pagan diviner, perhaps

of the class baru. He is to be sure, a pagan diviner used by Yahweh for the

communication of His word. But this observation says more about the un-

searchable ways of Yahweh than it does concerning the character of Balaam.

The speculation concerning the nature of the role of Balaam

may well continue, but it would seem that the article by Daiches points in

the correct direction. One may cite the estimation of the article given by

Alhright:

Most of Daiches' comparisons between the qualities and acts attributed

Balaam and those characteristic of a Mesopotamian baru are still

valid; together they are most impressive. There is ample evidence

at Mari (Accadian and Hurrian) and Khatti (Bogazkoy) for the extra-

ordinary popularity of Mesopotamian divination and magic in Syria

and Asia Minor during the second millennium.¹

Passage is "the only rather extensive section in the Old Testament in which

a detailed account of soothsaying appears." Claus Westermann, Handbook

to the Old Testament, trans. by Robert H. Boyd (Minneapolis: Augsburg

Publishing House, 1967), p. 75.

186

One may also point to a more recent volume in which the work

R. K. Harrison writes:

An interesting seal bearing the legend "Manum, the baru, the

servant of Ea" was recovered from a thirteenth-century B. C. stratum

at Beth-shan, and was assigned to the early second millennium B. C.,

indicating the long tradition of Mesopotamian divinatory influence in

in Canaan. It would thus appear, as Daiches pointed out long ago,

that Balaam was a typical Mesopotamian diviner (cf. Josh. 13:22),

hired it, accordance with the customs of the day for a specific

purpose. He was not primarily a prophet, even though, when sub-

ject to the will of God, he behaved in a manner very similar to that

of the later Hebrew prophets.¹

A recent attempt to refine Daiches' study was undertaken by

Rene Largement.² This study is flawed by negative presuppositions con-

cerning the integrity of the text, coupled with a predisposition given
^l Roland Kenneth Harrison, Introduction to the Old Testament

(Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1969), p. 630.

In another work the same writer refers to some of the data cited by Daiches

in explaining the parallel between Balaam and the Mesopotamian baru.

Cf. Roland Kenneth Harrison, Old Testament Times (Grand Rapids: William

B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1970), pp. 147-48. Albright also made

reference to the seal of Manum; cf. Albright, "Oracles, " p. 231, n. 141.

Compare as well, WB, I, 226: "Of the magicians and seers found in Meso-

potamia, the best known were the priests called in Akkadian baru (seers),

who fulfilled functions similar to those of Balaam. They pronounced the

will of the god to his worshippers and they were also called upon to invoke

blessings and curses by means of charms and incantations. Therefore, we

need not be surprised at the king of Moab's sending for such a man as far

as a twenty day's journey (the distance from Moab to the Euphrates). Cf.

Harry M. Orlinsky, Understanding the Bible Through Archaeology (Reprint;

Ktav Publishing House, Inc., 1972), p. 260.

noted above p. 142, n. 2.

187

to read mythological elements into the narrative. Nevertheless, it is replete

recast the present form of the oracles into their supposed original mantic

formulae. To the present writer, this experiment in tracing the tradition

back to Akkadian stages is less than convincing. Largement, however, does

develop the concept of Mesopotamian mantic parallels to Balaam.

He refers to the numerous examples of the baru at Mari. He

cites a text saying that "a patum [ territorial division ] without baru does not

exist,"¹ The baru preceded the armies on campaigns. One Mari text reads:

"At the head of my lord's men marches Ilusunasir, the diviner, servant of

my lord, and with the men of Babylon walks a diviner of Babylon."² More-

over, they traveled voluntarily on the backs of donkeys according to at:

least one text.³

An important parallel to the Balaam account among the baru

literature is cited by Largement. He writes:

The Babylonian baru must foresee the future, but what is more, he

must obtain the victory by provoking the aid of the god for the arms

of his country, and by drawing him away from the enemies. He is

not only a baru, but also an incantator [un incantateur] (asipu).

the complete text, cf. ANET, p. 482.

as listed in CAD, II "B", 112.

188

The usage of imprecation against the enemies of the country at the

"Oracle of the campaign against an enemy country to strike, to crush

and to pulverize, for the decision to go and to come."¹

Largement then presents the oracle:

O Samas, lord of judgment, O Adad, lord of vision, such an

one, master of this garment and of that garment, as King of Sumer and

Akkad, governor of Babylon, let his heart incline this year to go into

they country of his enemy, in such a country to strike his soldiers,

his chiefs, who thinks thereon constantly--thy great divinity knows--

by the order of thy great divinity, in this year, . . . by the life of

the god Marduk, let him cross the ravines, the precipices and the

gorges of the mountain to strike, crush and pulverize the country. . . .

Marduk will prepare his route, will ameliorize his way. Do it

that such a one, the master of this garment and of that garment, go

as far as the country of this enemy, let him pulverize, reassemble,

carry off the booty of the great cities of all his country, the booty

of his fields and of his small cities. . . .
Thus (let be) the illumination, the vision of Samas and Adad.²

Largement is of the opinion that the stories of Balaam do have

many features which are similar to the Akkadian texts, but that there are

also features that are dissimilar. He feels that there may be a number of

explanations for the dissimilarities: (1) Balaam may have accomodated his

acts to the given situation; (2) if Balaam was the one who brought the account

to Israel,³ doubtless he presented the state of affairs to his advantage; and
¹ Largement, "Les oracles, " p. 44. The term asipu cited by

Largement is discussed in CAD, I "A--Part II," 431-35. The term is defined

as an "exorcist. " Though widely used, this term does not seem as apt a

parallel for Balaam as does baru.

mission." Ibid., p. 48. Theories of the origin of the Balaam narrative will

be noted below.

189

Then the materials would have been reworked to include distinctively Israelite

elements such as the patriarchal benedictions. Thus, although relating the