*Topicality/Definitions Democracy Promotion Includes Military Intervention
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Tools of Democracy PromotionMANY TOOLS FOR PROMOTING DEMOCRACY Larry Diamond, Senior Fellow Hoover Institute, In Search of Democracy, 2016, p. 427 American power and influence is in decline, but the US is still by far the most powerful country in the world. Beyond its military, it has numerous other instruments—diplomacy, aid conditionality, and sanctions—to pressure states to democratize, to respect human rights, or to govern more democratically. These instruments are also available to other democracies and some of them can be most effectively applied by regional or international democratic coalitions or international organizations.
Dionysis Markakis, Center for International and Regional Studies- Georgetown University, 2016, US Democracy Promotion in the Middle East: The Pursuit of Hegemony, p. 90 The proposals addressed a range of fronts. The political front included efforts to “broaden our diplomatic strategy to build support for the democracy agenda among regime elites, including the First Lady” and influencing the narrow group of individuals that surround [Mubarak].” On the economic front, emphasis was placed on efforts to “ensure the political success of the economic reform program” and “recognize that economic reforms complement democratic reform,” with a view to “revitalize the Free Trade Agreement.” On the military front, Ricciardone claimed: “We need to define the linkages between our military assistance program and Egypt’s progress towards representative government. At a minimum, this review should expand IMET [International Military Education and Training] programs—the most purposefully ‘transformative’ form of US military assistance – to bring more Egyptian officers for training in the United States.” The rationale was to “at least begin planting the seeds of transformation within the military.” In terms of the official US reform initiatives, ‘[continuing US government] support through USAID and MEPI to Egyptian civil society” was advocated, while the work of the non-governmental sector was also addressed, namely efforts to “continue to help the legal political parties through IRI and NDI, with a focus on the ruling NDP”, and to “proceed with supporting additional engagement on Egypt to additional international NGOs such as Transparency International, Freedom House, and the American Barr Association.” These demonstrate the extent of the intervention pursued through the strategy of democracy promotion in Egypt, which incorporated political, diplomatic, military, economic, and social components. This arguably conforms with William Robinson’s earlier assertion that “divested of the rhetoric, the ‘democracy promotion’ programs in the Philippines, Chile, Nicaragua, Haiti and elsewhere were, in fact, large-scale political operations in foreign policy.” These policies collectively constituted an attempt to facilitate the US’s fundamental reform goal in Egypt, namely “a stable, democratic and legitimate transition to the post-Mubarak era. Types of Democracy PromotionTWO TYPES OF DEMOCRACY PROMOTION: EXEMPLARISM AND VINDICATIONALISM Shahra Akbarzadeh & Benjamin MacQueen, Center for Islamic Studies, University of Melbourne & Sr. Lecturer in Political Inquiry-Monash University, 2013, American Democracy Promotion in the Changing Middle East: From Bush to Obama, eds. Akbarzadeh, MacQueen, Piscattori & Saikal, p. 3 Whilst this view of democracy promotion as a US foreign policy constant is accurate, it does not address the means by which successive administrations have pursued it. Most administrations have focused on the promotion of democracy through ‘exemplarism,’ or using the pursuit of democracy domestically as an example to the rest of the world. This is the origins of the idea of the United States as a ‘beacon of liberty’—an example for other nations to follow. Underlying this is a view of US liberal democracy as ‘organic or natural, the preferred model of human organization,’ with liberal democracy representing an ‘end of history’ through the ‘universalization of Western liberal democracy.’ By contrast, the Bush administration and their neo-conservative ideological supporters favored a “vindicatationalist’ pursuit of democracy promotion. This view argues for a policy of actively exporting democracy utilizing, if necessary, US economic and military might. Both see the promotion of democracy as inherently good, but the vindicationalist view of democracy promotion draws heavily on the realist view that the world is inherently illiberal. Thus, for democracy to grow, it needs a guardian and sponsor. It is, therefore, incumbent on the US to play this role. UTILITARIAN DEMOCRACY PROMOTION – USES POSITIVE OR NEGATIVE INCENTIVES TO ENCOURAGE STATES TO INCREASE DEMOCRACY Daniela Huber, Senior Fellow Instituto Affari Internazionali, Rome, 2015, Democracy Promotion and Foreign Policy: Identity and Interests in US, EU, and Non-Western Democracies, p. 26-7 Utilitarian democracy promotion either seeks to manipulate the incentive structure of a regime through negative and positive conditionality which would then build democratic structures by itself or a democracy promoter might also directly invest into building democracy through democracy assistance. Negative conditionality (the “stick” approach) usually limits or cancels military or economic aid in response to repression or unwillingness to reform. An example is US President Jimmy Carter’s policy of canceling military aid too South American human-rights violating regimes unilaterally in the late 1970s/early 1980s. It can decisively hurt and weaken the economic strength of a regime, but it is a one-way road: once foreign aid to a country is cut, the democracy has no instruments of pressure anymore. Positive conditionality (the “carrot” approach) strengthens the economic and political resources off a regime in response to improvements. The EU’s enlargement process in which democratizing states can gain entrance into the Union are a bilateral example of this policy. Democracy assistance is more diverse than conditionality and does not necessarily have to work with target governments; it can directly support grass-roots groups as well. This is pursued unilaterally, for example, through the European Instrument for Democracy and Human Rights (EIDHR) or through the Middle East Partnership Initiative (MEPI) of the United States, bilaterally through the commonly steered EU Task Forces with Arab Spring states, or multilaterally through initiatives such as the United Nations Democracy Fund. CAN PROMOTE DEMOCRACY THROUGH SPEECH – IDENTITIVE PROMOTION Daniela Huber, Senior Fellow Instituto Affari Internazionali, Rome, 2015, Democracy Promotion and Foreign Policy: Identity and Interests in US, EU, and Non-Western Democracies, p. 27 Identitive democracy promotion, in contrast, does not work through financial means. It seeks to persuade the other of one’s values or to change the other’s behavior in accordance with one’s values or to change the other’s behavior in accordance with one’s values through speech acts. Speech acts are utterances which do not only “state something,” but actually “do something.” Regarding democracy promotion, speech acts can be unilateral, public speeches that either name and shame violations of democratic freedoms or lack of progress in democratizing, urge for and demand democratic progress, or laud progress in democratizing. The speaker’s audience is not only the addressee, but also her/his home public and the home public of the speaker. Besides such unilateral speech acts, there are also bi- or multilateral exchanges on issues of democracy, which are often not public. Examples are the EU’s bilateral democracy and human rights committees in the framework of the Euromed Partnership of its multilateral platforms such as the Euromed Parliamentary Assembly. Such instances of identitive democracy promotion differ from utilitarian democracy promotion in their logic of action: while utilitarian democracy promotion in their logic of consequentialism, identitive democracy promotion is based on the logic of arguing. The strategic use of speech is also included here, since it is understanding-oriented and might even send clearer signals, if interaction has so far been dominated by strategic, not communicative, speech acts. Finally, the power of the good example (on the side of a democracy) and mimicry/voluntary imitation (on the side of the autocracy) also belongs to instances of identitive democracy promotion. 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