*Topicality/Definitions Democracy Promotion Includes Military Intervention


Democracy Promotion Imperialistic: Civic Education/Civil Society Assistance



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Democracy Promotion Imperialistic: Civic Education/Civil Society Assistance


US DEMOCRATIC CIVIC EDUCATION ASSISTANCE IMPOSES US MODEL OF DEMOCRACY

Patricia K. Kubow, Education Professor-Bowling Green University, 2008, Advancing Democracy Through Education: US influence abroad and domestic practices, eds. E. Stevic & B. Levinson, p. 159-60



School curricula in democracies of sub-Saharan Africa have been more heavily influenced by Western educational reforms rather than by the knowledge of educators in African contexts of the direction they consider appropriate for formal democratic instruction in their respective countries. This situation is the result of historical conditions such as colonialism, contemporary influences such as globalization, and even international “collaboration” whereby Western (read: United States) democracy and culture are imparted to educators in other nations through “civic” education projects. The term democracy itself has become a slogan, and U.S. civic educators who seek to spread democracy globally have considered an American model of democracy as appropriate. In general, therefore, there is a need to examine American funded projects for the kinds of assumptions about democracy that underlie such projects, as well as the procedures American educators have used with international participants as they engage in democratic education efforts. Democratic citizenship education constitutes not only an important area of study for the field of comparative education, but also provides an opportunity for comparative educators to emphasize the role that culture plays in shaping democracy in different contexts. Moreover, attention should be given to using democratic-oriented research methodologies in the conduct of citizenship education projects.
US CIVIC EDUCATION ASSISTANCE DESIGNED TO PROMOTE U.S. INTERESTS

Doyle Stevick, Education Professor-University of South Carolina, 2008, Advancing Democracy Through Education: US influence abroad and domestic practices, eds. E. Stevic & B. Levinson, p. 103-4



American civics partners worked primarily with U.S. government funding, which was often channeled through USAID. Groups such as USAID, writes Samoff (1999),

were created to serve national interests, including the provision of financial and technical assistance overseas. Even those that most energetically assert their role in providing development aid must defend their programs and budgets in terms of their contribution to the national economy and polity.” (p. 63)

The obligation organizations have to advance national interests is illustrated by the mission statement of the Swedish Institute (SI, n.d), which promptly after the Soviet collapse hosted for 6 months Sulev Valdmaa, who became a prominent figure in civic education in Estonia through his work at an Estonian nongovernmental organization, the Jaan Tonisson Institute. (The sponsorship likely contributed to Estonias subsequent adoption of the Swedish framework for its first post-Soviet civic education curricula.) The SI’s goals are specific (and have an explicit economic component):

“The SI is a public agency entrusted with disseminating knowledge abroad about Sweden and organizing exchanges with other countries in the spheres of culture, education, research and public life in general. In doing so, it seeks to promote Swedish interests and contribute to economic growth.” (Swedish Institute, n.d., para 1).

Similarly, within the specific realm of foreign aid for civic education, Quigley and Hoar (1997) lay out explicitly the national interest goals of Civitas International, the U.S. funded collaboration with postcommunist countries. The first stated goal of the program was “to acquaint educators from EEN/NIS [Eastern European nation/Newly Independent States] with exemplary curricular and teacher-training programs in civic education developed in the United States” (p. 13).

Public funding of such organizations also invites public scrutiny and political pressure. Such pressure constrains what the organizations are able to do and say and requires time and energy to defend their practices and to justify their funding. The Center for Civic Education (CCE), the leading organization for international programs in civic education in the United States, for example, provides a good example of the political pressure such organizations face. Particularly since 1995, when it spearheaded the formation of Civitas International, CCE has played a leading role in the promotion of civic education programs in Central and Eastern Europe and beyond. Although CCE has something of a conservative and traditional reputation, it has faced political pressure that apparently threatened its existence from conservative organizations in the United States. The presence of well-known conservatives including Representative Henry Hyde and Senator Orrin Hatch on its board has not diverted this pressure, although it may have helped to protect its government funding from elimination. Some conservatives feel that CCE programs such as Res Publica: An International Framework for Education in Democracy (2001) is propaganda for one-world government and that We The People: The Citizen and the Constitution constitutes an attempt to impose a standard curriculum on the entire country and thus to trample on states’ rights.

Democracy Promotion Imperialistic: Privileges Donor Interests


DEMOCRACY ASSISTANCE PROGRAMS AND THE DISCOURSE TO SUPPORT IT PROMOTES DONOR COUNTRY INTERESTS OVER RECIPIENTS

Ayan M. Alsayed, Counselor in International Education and Development, 2008, Advancing Democracy Through Education: US influence abroad and domestic practices, eds. E. Stevic & B. Levinson, p. 76



This discourse of democratization and development is very attractive and presents donors as supporters of the interests of the countries in which they are promoting change, indeed often as saviors of citizens who have lived for years under corrupt or authoritarian governments. However, the good governance discourse is an essential part of a development agenda which is neither always entirely positive nor disinterested. Actually, it reflects the softer side of the neoliberal approach to global economic development, and is closely tied to the goals that the donor countries have for themselves, rather than to the priorities of the recipient nations. The kinds of democracy supported, the choice of organizations for development, the content and focus of civic education programming, and the conditions placed on its implementation all shape the political-economic systems that are developed in recipient countries. Such outcomes, not surprisingly, reflect the interests primarily of the donors and their partners in recipient-nation elites.




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