Voices Shaping the


Methodology Social Ecology Framework



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3. Methodology




Social Ecology Framework


DIAC briefed the UTS Voices project to use a social ecology approach, in order to explore the dynamic interaction between the experiences of young Muslim Australians, and the wider society. The Department wished to understand the cultural landscape within which young Muslims operated, and the factors, ideas, experiences and activities that influenced them. This social ecology approach required the project to address a particular policy question: how to weave young Muslim Australians into the fabric of Australian society in ways that are meaningful for them, and are productive of social cohesion.


Social ecology offers a framework that can incorporate research, policy development, and evaluation in relation to human services. By setting such a brief DIAC required an exposition and analysis that looks at change. Rather than focusing on features and processes that constrain participation by Muslim young people in social, cultural and economic life in Australia, social ecology looks towards public policy interventions that can facilitate wider participation and more effective integration.
Social ecology has played a major role in a range of recent public health initiatives from malaria prevention in Africa to alcohol abuse issues among adolescents in the USA (see Panter‐Brick et al

2006). These well‐evaluated projects have generated a corpus of knowledge that helps define likely trajectories of success (and failure) for public programs. If we view social integration (high levels of inter‐group trust, acceptance of diversity, and diversity in friendship networks) as a signal of the ‘social health’ of a society, then a simple model can be presented.


The framework does two things: it focuses analyses on the interaction between the levels, and points to the need for strategies that attend to them. Moreover it points to the implications of activities at different levels having counter‐active or productive effects on individuals.



Hierarchy of Relations in a Social Ecology Framework.
(Kok et al. 2008).

The report therefore addresses four related dimensions:

a) Analysis of the interactions for individuals and communities, to expose those that either inhibit or facilitate social engagement;

b) Assessment of strategies that operate across levels, looking for those that are reinforcing, and those that contain internal tensions and contradictions;

c) Identification of organizations and practices that already offer solutions for the barriers to engagement that have been previously researched and reported to DIAC;

d) Examination of gaps in public programs that undermine current initiatives, or reinforce barriers, with multi‐level proposals for interventions across government.


In their analysis of ‘successful interventions’ in public health, Panter‐Brick et. al. (2006) argue that “in order to be culturally appropriate, culturally compelling, or effective with demonstrable behaviour change…. , the design of ... interventions must nestle within the social and ecological landscape of local communities” (p.2812). The authors’ foreground the relationship between strategies and principles.
Their four principles are relevant to this study. Firstly, there needs to be an underpinning model of behavioural change that is articulated, validated, tested, evaluated, and implemented. This relates not only to Muslim youth, but also to community organizations, NGO agencies, government departments, and government policy makers with which they are in contact. Policy has to relate to culture – and generate affective ‘buy‐in’ from young people. It therefore has to be based on respect for culture and the complexities of culturally diverse communities. Research requires community involvement, which implies reciprocated respect between the community and those doing the research and developing the policy. There also needs to be sustained financial and political support for the ‘community‐owned’ goals, especially higher up the hierarchy of power.

An Approach to Successful Intervention in Public Health

Principles

Underpinned by theoretical model of behaviour change Culturally appropriate and affectively compelling Community involvement

Financial and political support


Strategies

Increase beliefs in self‐efficacy Increase skills of target audience Address constraints on human agency

Reinforce change messages over time, using interpersonal and community support
Focus on positive outcome expectations, relevant to the target audience
Use simple messages, repeatedly and in many forums
Use appropriate channels for communication, such as entertainment, as a vehicle for education

Based on Panter‐Brick et al., 2006.


The following model identifies the primary ‘starting point’ for policy intervention and program development as lying with whether the intervention proposed is ‘acceptable’ in cultural terms. The acceptability of the intervention depends not only on the beliefs of the people concerned, but also on their sense of their own efficacy, or capacity to effect change. This latter dimension reflects in part their perception of and willingness to engage with what they see as barriers to

achieving their goals.




From: Panter‐Brick et al, 2006 p. 2813.

Compatible with a social ecology framework, we introduce here the development and application of the concept of ‘cultural capital’. The concept of cultural capital, drawn from the work of social philosopher Pierre Bourdieu, reflects the sense of ‘investment’ and the associated cultural

‘goods’ that enable social mobility and access to power within a society. Bourdieu refers to cultural capital having three dimensions, namely the embodied state of long lasting dispositions of the mind and the body, secondly the cultural objects that ‘objectify’ a society’s cultural value, and thirdly an institutionalised context where society rewards some forms of cultural capital while ignoring or de‐legitimating others (Bourdieu, 1986).
Also important is the concept of ‘social capital’ developed by Putnam (2002). Putnam uses the degree of participation in voluntary associations, both formal and informal, as an index of the strength of social capital in a society. Poor levels of social capital generate isolation, violence and crime. Social capital can be both ‘bonding’ that is building networks of association among people of like mind and background or ‘bridging’, supporting links between different communities. Strong societies display both strong bonding capital and strong bridging capital, thus supporting people in their intimate groups, and ensuring their confident participation in the wider society, its responsibilities and its rewards.
Thus the cultural capital that is created, sustained and communicated through ethno‐religious institutions will tend to contribute primarily to ‘bonding’ social capital, in a multicultural society based on reciprocal relations of tolerance and respect, significant energy needs to be also devoted to building bridging capital between communities. Bridging capital needs a multi‐ directional commitment from stakeholders in a variety of social locations, not simply the

‘minority’ or more marginalised sectors (though they too have responsibilities here). The social ecology of Muslim communities, it is suggested ranges across a full spectrum from groups that are fully integrated into wider sets of associations, through those that encourage interaction but are more concerned with building internal community cohesion, to those that have less interaction or engagement.





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