US-EU partnership is key to solve terrorism
Nakhleh 10 – Former senior intelligence service officer and director of the Political Islam Strategic Analysis Program @ Central Intelligence Agency [Emile Nakhleh, U.S.–EU Partnership and the Muslim World: How Transatlantic Cooperation Will Enhance Engagement, Transatlantic Paper Series No. 2 October 2010
A U.S.–EU partnership to engage Muslim communities is a logical step after Obama’s speech in Cairo. European and American national interests dictate that 1.4 billion Muslims, living in over one hundred Muslim-majority and Muslim-minority countries, cannot be ignored. Over 50 million Muslims live in Western countries alone. The abhorrent use of religion to justify acts of terrorism has affected many in both the West and the Muslim world. Therefore, confronting the radical minority of Muslims and engaging the mainstream majority of Muslims requires international cooperation, particularly between the United States and the EU. Time is propitious for such partnership because more and more Muslims are espousing ideas of tolerance, inclusion, and participation, and are rejecting al Qaeda’s paradigm of wanton violence and killing in the name of Islam. Al Qaeda seems to be losing the moral argument among Muslims, and the emergence of a few franchise terrorist organizations—including al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula, al Shabab in Somalia, and al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb—does not mask the waning influence of al Qaeda and its growing isolation among Muslims. While al Qaeda continues to target Western countries and recruit potential “jihadists” from those countries, the most effective way to face down such a threat and ultimately defeat it is by reaching out to the vast majorities of Muslims across the globe. Obama’s speech in Cairo in June 2009 and his recent appointment of a distinguished American Muslim as a special envoy to the OIC reflect his belief that terrorism cannot be defeated by the force of arms alone. Helping Muslim communities attain their potential and empowering them to serve their societies through tangible initiatives promises to be a strong defense against hate and a promoter of domestic stability and good governance. Pg. 10-11
T-TIP - Coop solves Paki
US-EU coop prevents Paki instability
Korski 10 - Senior policy fellow @ European Council on Foreign Relations [Daniel Korski, “Preventing Crises and Managing Conflicts:
U.S.-EU Cooperation,” Shoulder to Shoulder: Forging a Strategic U.S.–EU Partnership, Edited By Daniel S. Hamilton, 2010]
Second, in a number of unstable regions close U.S.-EU cooperation could bring benefits that similar cooperation inside NATO will not. Few analysts can envisage a broader role for NATO in Pakistan or even in the Maghreb. But the EU could probably play a role in close partnership with the large U.S. engagement. Finally, U.S.-EU cooperation holds out the promise of bringing the full range of governmental— even societal— resources to the task of conflict prevention. The EU will not be a high- end military operator for decades, but it has advantages that NATO can never enjoy, such as the potential to blend civilian and military assets.2 In short, there are numerous reasons why it serves both U.S. and European interests to advance cooperation on crisis management and conflict prevention issues. Pg. 277
Korski et al 09 - Senior policy fellow @ European Council on Foreign Relations [Daniel Korski, Daniel Serwer (Vice president for Centers of Peacebuilding Innovation) & Megan Chabalowski (Research assistant @ United States Institute of Peace), “A New Agenda for US-EU Security Cooperation,” FRIDE Working Paper 92, November 2009]
To date, US and EU capacities for conflict prevention and what are termed ‘comprehensive’ stabilisation and reconstruction missions have developed independently of each other. The US experience has been driven by the Iraq War and its aftermath while the EU has been working on building civil-military capabilities since the Balkan Wars. Yet at the same time there has been a growing desire for practical transatlantic collaboration not only within NATO, but between the US and the EU.
Such cooperation makes sense. In a number of unstable regions, close US-EU cooperation could bring benefits that similar cooperation inside NATO or bilateral links alone will not. Few analysts can envisage a broader role for NATO in Pakistan or even in the Maghreb. It is similarly hard to image US-UK cooperation, for example, making a substantive impact. But the EU could probably play a role in such regions through close partnership with the large US engagement. Second, US-EU cooperation holds the promise of bringing the full range of governmental – even societal – resources to the task of conflict prevention. The EU will not be a high-end military operator for decades, but it has advantages that NATO can never fully enjoy, such as civilian institution-building capacity and the potential to blend civilian and military assets. Pg. 1
T-TIP - Coop solves Biosecurity
Transatlantic coop is key to biosecurity
Hamilton & Burwell 10 – Research Professor of International Studies @ Johns Hopkins University & Vice President and Director of Transatlantic Relations and Studies @ Atlantic Council [Daniel S. Hamilton (Founding Director of the Center for Transatlantic Relations. Director of the American Consortium on EU Studies) & Frances G. Burwell (Former executive director of the Center for International and Security Studies @ University of Maryland) “The Setting: The United States and Europe in a G20 World,” Shoulder to Shoulder: Forging a Strategic U.S.–EU Partnership, Edited By Daniel S. Hamilton, 2010]
Second, we must build societal resilience, beginning at home, but with an awareness that in an age of potentially catastrophic terrorism and networked threats, no nation is home alone. If the lives and freedoms of Europeans and Americans are to be secure at home, individual national efforts must be coupled with more effective transatlantic cooperation. Some promising first steps have been taken, but they have been ad hoc, low- priority achievements rather than integrated elements of a comprehensive approach.
Biosecurity is perhaps the most dramatic example of the changing challenges we face. A grand opportunity of our century is to eliminate massively lethal epidemics of infectious disease by ensuring that biodefense— humankind’s ageless struggle to prevent and defeat disease— is far more potent than attempts to create and deploy bio agents of mass lethality. Yet we struggle to deal with pandemics caused by Mother Nature, and neither our health nor our security systems are prepared for intentional attacks of infectious disease. Homeland security approaches that focus on guards, gates and guns have little relevance. A bioterrorist attack in Europe or North America is more likely and could be as consequential as a nuclear attack, but requires a different set of national and international responses. Unless we forge new health alliances and take other measures, an attack of mass lethality is not a matter of whether, but when.6 pg. 7
Transatlantic cooperation is key to global biosecurity
Hamilton & Burwell 10 – Research Professor of International Studies @ Johns Hopkins University & Vice President and Director of Transatlantic Relations and Studies @ Atlantic Council [Daniel S. Hamilton (Founding Director of the Center for Transatlantic Relations. Director of the American Consortium on EU Studies) & Frances G. Burwell (Former executive director of the Center for International and Security Studies @ University of Maryland) “The Setting: The United States and Europe in a G20 World,” Shoulder to Shoulder: Forging a Strategic U.S.–EU Partnership, Edited By Daniel S. Hamilton, 2010]
Biosecurity only underscores the urgent need for the U.S. and its Canadian and European partners to pursue a multilevel strategy of societal resilience that goes beyond traditional conceptions of “homeland” security to incorporate new forms of diplomatic, intelligence, economic, and law enforcement cooperation; customs, air, and seaport security; data protection and information exchange; bio- resilience and critical infrastructure protection. The transatlantic community must take the lead, not only because European societies are so inextricably intertwined, but because no two continents are as deeply connected as the two sides of the North Atlantic. Our ultimate goal should be a resilient Euro- Atlantic area of justice, freedom, and security that balances mobility and civil liberties with societal resilience.7
Such efforts, in turn, can serve as the core of more effective global measures. Europeans and Americans share a keen interest in building the societal resilience of other nations, since strong efforts in one country may mean little if neighboring systems are weak. The 20th century concept of “forward defense” should now be supplemented by the broader notion of “forward resilience.” Pg. 8
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