Neoliberalism K—UMich 2013 neg 1NCs 1NC: Generic
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- The neoliberal policies enslave the Latin Americans that have been forced out of their native country
I: Commodifies HumanityNeoliberalism transforms everything and anything into a commodity, leading to dehumanization and globalized violence.Brand and Sekler,professor of International Politics at Vienna University and junior researcher in the area of international politics in the Department of Political Science at Vienna University , 2009 (Ulrich and Nicola, “Postneoliberalism – A beginning debate,” Development Dialogue, no. 51, page 6, January 2009,http://rosalux-europa.info/userfiles/file/DD51.pdf#page=173 )//CS Fifth, the four already noted crises create such great economic, social, cultural and political tensions in and between states and groups of states that violence necessarily increases. The answer to this at the moment has been a new armaments spiral and the growth of a preventative security state(Braml 2004).Armament expenditures have grown by around 50 per cent in the last decade, above all in the USA. They have not only created a latent civil war domestically(with the highest share of prisoners worldwide – 2.3 million in 2005, every tenth black man between 21 and 29 incarcerated at some point in his life) ,but have also transformed the Cold War against the Soviet Union into a global civil war ‘against terror’, using military bases in 130 countries. They have built a network of illegal prisons and concentration camps, similar to what occurred in the heyday of the old imperialism. Worldwide, there are estimated to be many thousands of people who are held and tortured in such prisons. At the same time, an asymmetrical terrorist war against the dominance of the USA and the West has begun.Water, raw materials, access to the sea, migration, knowledge, capital, cultural identity – in neoliberalism, everything and anything becomes not only a commodity, but also cause of violent confrontations. With the globalisation of capital, violence has also been globalised.There is a security crisis. The neoliberal policies enslave the Latin Americans that have been forced out of their native countryGreen, PhD and MA in Anthropology and is the Director of the Center for Latin American studies at The University of Arizona, 2011, (Linda, “The Nobodies: Neoliberalism, Violence, and Migration” Medical Anthropology: Cross-Cultural Studies in Health and Illness, 30:4, 366-385)//JS In what follows I examine some of the social consequences of structuralvulnerability that were so eloquently outlined in the introduction to thisissue. I do so through an explication of how seemingly contradictoryGuatemalan migrant subjectivities are produced. By placing the conceptof structural vulnerability within a complex and historical web of capitalistrelations and state-sponsored violence in the fullest sense of the term, Iexplore some of the forces and processes that now produce, at an unprecedentedrate, what Zygmunt Bauman called ‘‘human waste,’’ that is ‘‘therising quantities of human beings bereaved of their heretofore adequateways and means of survival in both the biological and social= cultural senseof that notion’’ (2004:7). Today in this market-driven global economy, largenumbers of people need wages to survive but have no viable means toprocure cash. They are quite literally redundant. At the same time, these‘‘nobodies’’ are reworked into ‘‘illegals’’ after crossing the Mexico-Arizonaborder, in this instance. As a cheap yet expendable source of labor andprofit, whether as workers or detainees, they become crucial to shore upthe floundering American economy (Fernandes 2007).An examination of migration across the Americas and its relationship toneoliberalism, as both an economic model and a mode of domination (Gilly2005), reveals the multiple and brutal ways ‘‘disposable people’’ fit into asystem in which violence, fear, and impunity are crucial components. Immigrationin this instance can be thought of as (1) a consequence of a complexset of global economic doctrines and geopolitical practices that produceboth nobodies in the global south and low wage, dangerous, and non-unionjobs in the United States; (2) a strategy of survival for millions of CentralAmericans and Mexicans who have few alternatives for procuring a livelihoodin their own country; and (3) a set of punitive laws and practices thathave reconfigured the US-Mexico border and beyond into a militarizedzone—a space of death that punishes those people who are dispossessedand dislocated by US state-sponsored neoliberal policies and ongoingrepressive practices (Green 2008).State-mandated exclusionary policies and practices against migrants havea long and sordid history in the United States (Chacon and Davis 2006). Intheir most recent iteration, federal and state immigration regulations accentuatein practice a long-existing discursive hierarchy of social worth basedon skin color that puts minorities of class, gender, sexuality, and color intheir place, in social, spatial, cultural, and political-economic terms. Andbecause of its historical particularities, to borrow Gavin Smith’s (1998)term, Arizona turns out to be the ‘‘perfect’’ place for teaching brown-skinnedpeople to know their place. A crucial dimension to this dynamic is thebombardment by the mainstream media of innumerable examples ofmigrants’ violation of the ‘‘rule of law’’ (Chavez 2001). This notion isreinforced by the now hackneyed but useful framing of human beings asillegals. Thus, the logical response to migrants’ seemingly blatanttransgressions of American law and order necessitates their increasinglybrutal punishment and containment. This is perhaps most fully executedin the state of Arizona. The neoliberal policies give way to the structural violence on the Latin Americans Green, PhD and MA in Anthropology and is the Director of the Center for Latin American studies at The University of Arizona, 2011, (Linda, “The Nobodies: Neoliberalism, Violence, and Migration” Medical Anthropology: Cross-Cultural Studies in Health and Illness, 30:4, 366-385)//JS These are not the reserve army of the poor in Marx’s terms, but a disposablepeople no longer necessary or needed in their home countries. The fearof no future and the hope of creating a life for themselves and their kin propelmigrants to ‘‘voluntarily’’ take on unimaginable debt and expose themselvesto known and unexpected levels of violence, exploitation, virulentracism, and, increasingly, incarceration. Yet they are simultaneously vital,as migrants, in propping up the failed economies of Central America andMexico through their remittances and in the United States where they arean exploitable, expendable workforcewithout anyprotection as workersand= or as human beings.As containment and punishment increasinglybecome the backbone of US policies; the transfer of taxpayer monies bythe carceral state to the private sector goes on unabated and unacknowledged.In these contradictory spaces, Harvey’s ‘‘logics of power’’ becomeall the more evident. Migrants are a disempowered workforce in Guatemalaand the United States, continually foiled in their attempts to organize,unionize, or make demands for health and safety in the workplace. Currentviolent and vicious border policies and practices are in part necessaryaccompaniments to the international structural adjustment policies and itsattendant repressive apparatus (Klein 2007). Its domestic counterpart—US-style neo-liberalism—orchestrated partially through deindustrializationand de-unionization, has led to a massive decline in jobs and wages, as‘‘mass termination [of employees became] a reasonable profit-maximizingstrategy’’ (Wypijewski 2006:141). Together these processes (United Statesand Guatemalan) work synergistically to produce a surplus of ‘‘disposablepeople’’ in Guatemala and a plethora of low wage jobs in the United States.This reworked economy has also made ‘‘the historical demand for blacklabor superfluous’’ (Marable 1983:18) while creating the conditions forthe largest prison system in the world (Chomsky 2003; Pager 2007; Sider2004; Wacquant 2010)—what Christian Parenti (1999) referred to as ‘‘LockdownAmerica.’’ Racial social control, a crucial component of structuralviolence, is carried out in part through the mass incarceration of AfricanAmericans, the vast majority for non-violent crimes, and increasingly ofillegal aliens through Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE, theinterior enforcement arm of Customs and Border Patrol, and replacementof the Immigration and Naturalization Service, commonly known as lamigrain Spanish) raids, detentions, and deportations. Download 1.47 Mb. Share with your friends:
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