Sonora’s Anti-Chinese Movement and State Formation



Download 237.02 Kb.
Page5/5
Date28.01.2017
Size237.02 Kb.
1   2   3   4   5

25 See AHGES T. 3072, op. cit., also Radding (1985) and Knight (1986, vol. 2: 420-23).

26During the turbulent years of the constitutionalist insurrection Plutarco Elías Calles acted as Sonora’s governor between 1915 and 1916 and 1917 to 1919, replaced by Adolfo de la Huerta during 1916-1917. See Krauze (1999:29-37). Laws and dispositions in Calles (1915) and de la Huerta (1917). See also Rivera ( 1981: 421-426).

27 Corrigan P. & Sayer D. (1985)

28 By 1919 there were 900 Chinese in the district of Magdalena. In spite the fact that their operating capitals were smaller that that of their competitors , their 107 commercial establishments overwhelmed the 54 owned by Mexican, American, and French businessmen. However, there were only two Chinese firms --Juan Lung Tain & Co. and Fon Quin & Co.-- among a total of 24 with operating capitals of more than 20 thousand pesos. Established in the 1890s both maintained branches in the main cities that acted as suppliers (purveyors) for small stores and peddlers operating in the rural areas of the state. Juan Lung Tain was also the owner of a shoe and clothing manufacture in Hermosillo. Among the other foreign businesses in the district, the most important were Quintera Mining Company owned by British capitalists and with more than 500 workers, the American owned Planchas de Plata Mining Company and Promontorios Consolidated , and William Barnett’s cattle company. By 1919 the average operating capital of the 107 Chinese commercial establishments was of 320,621 pesos while that of the 54 Mexican and other foreign owned establishments was of 168,400. Hu-deHart (1985: 203-204 )

29 Flyer announcing the creation of the Junta de hombres de negocios, February 5, 1916, in the Jose Maria Arana Archive (AJMA) kept at the Special Collections, Library of the University of Arizona, Tucson. See also AHGES T. 3083 (1916) “Campaña anti-china.” Presiding over a special delegation of the recently created Junta Arana met with governor Calles and gave a report of the association activities aimed to “attack the uncontrolled increase of the Chinese population that was absorbing all the life resources of the Mexicans.” In his recollections of this meeting Arana maintained that Calles offered his “moral and effective support” for the Junta’s mission that he considered as “patriotic and reasonable.” Account of this visit in J.M. Arana, “Borrador y notas al margen del Informe del Gobernador Cesareo Soriano,” April 4, 1918 in AJMA.

30 Broadsheet, “Discurso de José Maria Arana en Cananea, 29 de abril de 1916,” in AHGES T. 3083 (1916) “Campaña antichina.” Of the nine items mentioned by Arana in this speech, the first one was of a patriotic/racial nature; the next two and his seventh point referred to moral problems; the fourth and eighth dealt with hygienic and public health issues; the fifth and sixth referred to strictly economic matters; and finally in his last point the Chinese were associated with the Porfirista ancien regime.

31 Jose Angel Espinoza, after Arana, the most prominent Mexican antichino intellectual clearly established the specificity and relative autonomy of racial and economic issues in his comments of the American immigration to Sonora vis a vis the Chinese. In his criteria if “the Americanization” of the state represented “a terrible threat in the economic order, the chinizacion (sic) was one thousands times more dangerous,” because “it was not an exclusively economic problem but also a racial and sanitary one.” Whereas “through powerful industries” --continued Espinoza-- “the action of Yankee imperialism” provided salaries por Mexican workers, on the other hand, the Chinese presencia was like “a non-treatable (incurable) disease ... that was gradually depleting the organisms of the national life.” Espinoza (1931: 35-36).

32 J..M. Arana, “Al margen del informe,” AJMA. Among others during the year of 1916 were conformed the Comite Popular Antichino de Huatabampo, the Junta de Proteccionismo Nacional de Caborca, the Union Proteccion y Progreso de Imuris, the Junta de Defensa Economica, Racial Nacionalista Anti-Asiática de Esperanza, Trabajadores Unidos de Cananea, the Junta Nacionalista Anti-China de Cócorit, and the Sociedad Nacionalista de Cananea.

33 See footnote # 9.

34 Of the more than 40 letters written to Arana by anti-Chinese supporters between 1916 and 1919, thirteen originated in the Yaqui and Mayo valleys, twenty in the mining centers in the serrano municipalities, and the rest in the central part of the state, the northern districts of the neighboring state of Sinaloa, the close-by southern district of the then Territory of Baja California. Although most of the correspondents did not mention their occupation, those that did were shopkeepers, waged workers, farmers, bakers, butchers, pharmacists, schoolteachers, musicians, public employees, and low ranking army officers. AJMA, “Correspondencia varia” y “Correspondencia simpatizantes y corresponsales.”

35 J.M. Arana, “Mi programa administrativo como Presidente Municipal de Magdalena, 1918-1919,” in AHGES T. 3217 (19118-1919), also “Informe oficial que rinde el Presidente Municipal de Magdalena ante el c. Gobernador del estado,” in AJMA. See also Arana’s correspondence with the Municipal Presidents of Agua Prieta, Cócorit, Cananea, Nogales, Villa de Seris, Etchojoa, Nacozari and Cumpas in AJMA; also correspondence with E. Cantu, Gobernor of Baja Califonia Norte, the governor of Sinaloa and several federal deputies in AJMA, “Correspondencia 1919.”

36 For the support of Calles to ProPatria see the letters of Luis L. Leon to Arana from November 27 and October 30, 1919 in AJMA, “Correspondencia, 1918.” For de la Huerta funding of the anti-Chinese committees and the formation of the PSR see the correspondence between Calles presidential cabinet, Arana, anti-Chinese committees, and municipal authorities, particularly Luis L. Leon letter to Arana as representative of the Organizing Committee of the PSR from October, 1918, in AJMA, “Correspondencia con autoridades politicas, 1918,” and “Correspondencia, 1919.”

37 Hundreds of Chinese businessmen resisted the enforcement of the “80% law” through legal appeal to the local courts and México’s Supreme Court. Its ruling of June 1921 in favor of the Chinese arguing that the federal constitution did not contemplate national status in order to guarantee work freedom constituted a severe blow to the anti-Chinese movement. Information on this sort of “legal guerrilla” in AHGES T. 3521 (1921), “Cuestión china.” For bribes and extortions see Cumberland (1960: 197). Arana’s death in Cortez (1943 :11)

38 Rivera (1981: 450-58). Valenzuela (n/d: 338-9, 357-9, 385-6, 442-4) .

39 After the Agua Prieta rebellion the Sonoran Adolfo de la Huerta was appointed interim president for the period between June to December of 1920. Obregón ruled as constitutional president during the period 1921-1924, followed by his countryman Plutarco Elías Calles for the following period (1925-1928). Re-elected for the 1928-1932 Obregón was assassinated before assuming office. See Meyer & Krauze (1977), Meyer et.al. (1978) Aguilar Camín & Meyer (1993:64-76)


40 For popular discontent and resistance to the anti-alcoholic and anti-religious campaigns see Archivo General de la Nación (AGN) - Direccion Nacional de Gobierno (DGN) B.251C17 and 347(11)C33. For complains regarding the municipal restructuring see El Observador, Hermosillo March 25 and April 15, 1922.

41 For Obregón’s administration foreign policy priorities see also Dulles (1993:289-296) and Matute (1980).


42 Regarded as an “act of intellectual independence” vis a vis European Enlightenment’s racist and ethnocentric analysis and perspectives of México and the New World, in one the appendixes to his seminal text, Clavijero utilizes the same concepts and criteria criticized in the body of the text to reject Asians and Africans as elements in the creation of a Mexican nation.

See Clavijero (1974: 503-506) and Pacheco J.E. (1983).



43 For ideas in Porfiran México see Zea (1968) and González Navarro (1970).

For critical assessments of the debates on the “Indian problem” see Stabb (1959), Powell (1968) and Raat (1970). Also Villoro (1996). For an assessment of Indigenismo see Villorro (1996)



44 Basave Benitez (1992:23-25). See also Brading (1988).

45 Molina Enríquez A. (1983 [1909]:394)

46 Molina Enríquez A. (1985:91ss) and Molina Enríquez A. Aspectos de la cuestión agraria (Speech, April 1924) quoted in Basave A. (1992: 73).

47 To accomplish this, he called for the establishment of anthropological, linguistic, folkloric, ethnographic, and archeological research institutions. The task of “enlarging, strengthening and establishing the nationalities of Latin America” would thus be directed by anthropologists whose work would be to “prepare the racial acercamiento, cultural fusion, linguistic unification and economic equilibrium of the indigenous groupings in order to form a coherent nationality and a true and well defined fatherland.” (Gamio 1979 [1919], vol. 1: xi)


48 In contrast to Obregón, Calles --whom he described as arbitrary and violent --was considered as of “Syrian-Lebanese” type.” (Vasconcelos 1983: 367). For Vasconcelos’ cultural nationalism see Fell (1989:359-553) and Monsivais (1976). For ethnic/cultural stereotypes see Perez Monfort (1994).

49 For the impact of Chinese nationalism in México’s diasporic community see Rénique (1999).

“Reporte del enviado especial y ministro plenipotenciario chino” in AHGES T. 3524 (1922) Contienda nacionalista. The envoy estimated that the KMT and the ChKT counted in México with 1600 and 6000 followers respectively. The central office of the KMT in México was located in the Sonoran town of Nogales and maintained 33 branches in different cities and towns, including México City. The Mexican police reported that most of these branches were found in the Northern states of Sonora, Sinaloa y Baja California Norte, see “Reporte Confidencial,” Archivo General de la Nación-Direccion Nacional de Gobierno (AGN-DGG) 2.360(29)/1 (1922).



50 Many local functionaries associated the ChKT with China’s ancien regime and its reputed feudalism, and was derogatorily referred to as “the imperialist part.” In a letter to president Obregón on behalf of a group of Chinese merchants his attorney Jose Ascona --former functionary of the foreign service-- pointed out that “in spite of the fundamental differences between Western and Eastern Civilizations we, Mexican revolutionaries should sympathize with the Partido Nacionalista [KMT],” see Archivo General de la Nación-Fondo Presidencial Obregón/Calles (AGN-OB/CALL) 104-Ch-1. Another example is that of the secret police agent in charged with the surveillance of the KMT that in a confidential report stated that its goals were “the creation of autonomous forms of government,” “the unity among all classes,” “strengthening of the race,” and the adoption of the best aspects of socialism.” He closed his report stating that “the Political Platform of the Chinese Nationalist League has the same aims of liberty, equality and freedom of the French [revolutionary] spirit...” AGN-DGG, 2.360(29)/1 (1922).

51 For a change of emphasis see articles in the Cananea newspaper, El Intruso: “Dos partidos en lucha en la Gran China” April 27, 1922 with “La mafia china ha hecho otra victima,” June 1, 1922; “La mafia china y sus ramificaciones en los estados de Sonora y Sinaloa,” June 22, 1922; and “Movimiento de la mafia poco a poco se extendio por toda la Republica,” August 4, 1922. See also articles in the México City newspapers El Universal and El Heraldo.

52 By early June Sonora’s State Attorney -demanded the expulsion of the reputed “ thousands” of undocumented Chinese residents in the state involved in “criminal activities.” El Observador, June 10, 1922. For the maneuvering of the leaders of the KMT see legal and official documents reproduced in Espinoza (1932: 250-267). For legal response of the Chinese mutual aid organizations to the detentions of the summer of 1922 see AHGES T. 3645 (1922) “Aprehensiones chinos Partido Nacionalista,” AGN-OB/CALL 104-Ch-16 (1922) “Expulsion de chinos” and El Intruso, August 23, 1922. For a detailed account see Gómez Izquierdo (1991:117-118).

53 During the last days of June tumultuous demonstrations were held in the 10 most important Sonoran cities and towns. In the mining town of Cananea the march demanding the expulsion of all the Chinese was presided by the mining workers union. For reports on these demonstrations see AHGES T. 3524 (1922) “Contienda nacionalista,” and El Intruso, June 29, 1922, El Observador, June 24, 1922.

54 For instance, the municipality of Hermosillo prohibited the sale of bread, sugar, cheese and vegetables in Chinese establishments; in Cananea and Nogales their respective municipalities ordered the closing of Chinese owned bakeries. Public health and medical information culled from scientific publications asserting among other things “that because of heredity the Chinese had inoculated the germs of terrible and deadly diseases” occupied prominent place in the local press. See for example El Intruso, September 28, 1922. For the closing of bakeries see El Intruso, September 29, 1922; for Chinese and public health problems see El Intruso, October 13, 1922. For the endemic incidence of epidemics in Sonora see El Intruso, November 20, 1922 and AHGES T. 3534, “Salubridad Publica - Expediente General.

55 See El Intruso, December 13, December 29, 1923 and January 4, 1924. For Villasenor article see El Intruso, January 24, 1924.

56 For reactions to Law 27 see El Observador, and El Intruso for December 1923 and January 1924. Telegrams and correspondence regarding Law 27, inconveniences and its application in AHGES T. 3465 Bis (1924), “Cuestión China.” Women’s letter against Law 27 in El Intruso, December 29, 1923.

57 Anti-Chinese comments on Bay’s attitude in Espinoza (1932: 37-38) and Cortes (1943: 13). In a letter to the Secretaria de Gobernación (January 4, 1924) governor Bay stated that “from its beginnings he understood the unconstitutionality of the [anti-Chinese] legislation,” but he felt compelled to proclaim it because his opinion to the contrary would not had any effect in the legislature. Under the circumstances --continued -- “against my own judgment, the Sonoran government was forced to concede...” AHGES T.3645 (1924) “Cuestión china.”

58 Communication of the Gobernor Bay to Congress in AHGES T. 3645 (1924) “Cuestión china;” for Sonoran legislature rejection, see El Intruso, May 24, 1924.

59 Chinese resistance was carried out through letters to local, state and federal authorities; legal appeals and outright disobedience to Laws 27 and 31. Reports and correspondence regarding Chinese defiance; letters of Chinese relatives and friends opposing the anti-Chinese legislation in AHGES T. 3645Bis (1924) “Cuestión china.” For information and analysis of defiant and uppity attitude of the Chinese, see La necia altaneria de los chinos ( February 14, 1924 ), El Intruso, and El problema chino (August 31, 1924) El Intruso.

60 Correspondence and dispositions regarding public health in AHGES T. 3654 Bis (1924) “Cuestión china. In a letter from March 23, 1924 the municipal president of Cananea informed Jose Angel Espinoza --President of the Liga Pro-Raza-- of “the favorable attitude” of the Public Health Department in México City in relation to the anti-Chinese campaign. However --continues-- “given the difficult situation” the Direction suggested “to act discreetly” trying “not to affect the harmony that should exist among the different branches of the public administration.” See complete letter and further correspondence regarding the creation of the Comite de Sanidad del Comite Pro Raza from Cananea in El Intruso, March 11, 1924. For “black lists” see El Intruso, March 23, 1924 and correspondence in AHGES T. 3654 Bis (1924), “Cuestión china.” For a discussion of the relevance of public health and hygiene for national formation see Guy (1995); for a discussion of the relation between anti-Chinese racism, immigration and the formation of the discipline of public health see Miller (1969). The agreements of the First Convention of Sonoran Municipalities in April 1924, offer a measure of the degree of Antichinismo influence at the local political level. Among other resolutions the Convention demanded the annulment of the Friendship and Commerce Treaty established between México and China, the concentration of the Chinese population in “Chinatowns,” the prohibition of marriages between Chinese men and Mexican women, the deportation of undocumented Chinese, the prohibition of all forms of Chinese immigration, the internment of diseased Chinese, the prohibition of land rental to Chinese farmers, and the suspension of the issue of naturalization papers to the Chinese. The Convention also declared the Supreme Court’s injunction declaring the unconstitutionality of Laws 27 and 31 as another form of “central government intromission” in Sonora’s autonomy. Promptly adopted by anti-Chinese groups in other parts of the country as Sinaloa, Chihuahua, Tamaulipas, Baja California y Coahuila they also demanded its enforcement from their own state authorities. Agreements of the Municipal Convention in El Intruso, August 24, 1924.

61 Examples of this popular racial genre are numerous see for example the compilations of the satiric columns published under the pen name of Juan Lanas and edited in cheap paper back size volumes. See also A. Salazar Himno Patriotico (August 26, 1917) Pro-Patria, August 26, 1917; Corridos veridicos a las chineras y a los coludos chinos, Broadsheet circulated in Cananea in the 1920s in AHGES T.3645 Bis (1924) “Cuestión china.” For description of anti-Chinese parades, demonstrations and their literary and patriotic soiree see letters in AJMA, Folder Correspondence 1919.

62 “Informe rendido por Plutarco Elías Calles ante el Sr. Secretario de Gobernación con motivo de las quejas del embajador chino,” (July 29, 1924) El Intruso. See also Espinoza (1931: 268-285), and reports in AHGES T. 3645 “Cuestión china.” For criticism against Obregón and Bay see El Intruso, June 25, July 5, July 9 and november 16, 1924; and El Observador, July 5, October 11, October 25, and November 8, 1924.

63 Sonoran Congress decision and allegation against the freedom of the Chinese detainees in El Intruso, November 4, 1924. Secretary of Foreign Relations study in El Intruso, December 23, 1924. Calles decree in El Intruso, December 24, 1924.

64 Obregón and Calles ruled as constitutional presidents during the periods of 1921-1924 and 1925-1928 respectively. As president-reelect a Catholic fanatic shot Obregón to death July 17, 1928. Between 1928 and 1930 Emilio Portes Gil was elected by Congress to act as provisional president.

The first PNR candidate Pascual Ortiz Rubio won the special elections of 1930 to resign 2 years later because of his conflicts with Calles. For the period 1932-1934 Congress elected as provisional president to the Sonoran businessmen and general Abelardo Rodríguez.



65 For a discussion of the callista alliance see Córdova (1973: 309-310). For Maximato see Córdova (1993) and Meyer L. (1980).

66 For a discussion of Catholics as chivos expiatorios see Meyer J. (1981: 280-281). For a discussion of the nature of callista popular mobilization see Córdova (1973: 330-331). Triggered in the early 1926 by President Calles orders closing down churches and convents, and expelling 200 foreign priests from the country, between 1926 and 1929 the conflict pitted a mostly peasant irregular army --that at one point counted with 50,000 men-- against the revolutionary armed forces. The second largest and most important rebellion in the country since 1910 the conflict devastated extensive areas in the states of Jalisco, Michoacan, Durango, Guerrero, Colima, Nayarit and Zacatecas, and took 90,000 lives. For many authors the Cristero War represented the resistance of old, peasant and Catholic México against the revolutionary Jacobinism of Calles. See Meyer J. (1994), Olivera Sedano A. (1987).


67 Reports on conventions, demonstrations and Nacozari kidnappings in AHGES T. 3645 Bis (1924). “Cuestión china” and AGN-OB/CALL 104-Ch-1, 104-Ch-16. For convention see also González Navarro (1974: 71-72).

68 Letters, demands, and reports of Anti-Chinese campaigns in AGN/DGG 2.360.

69 Regarded as the last important military uprising in modern México, disaffected Obregonista governors, generals and their troops coalesced under the leadership of general G. Escobar in a short-lived rebellion aimed to the overthrown of Calles. Its defeat signaled the political demise of Obregonismo. See Meyer L. (1980: 64-84).

70 A discussion of callista regional development strategy in Ramirez et. al. (1985).

71 By late December 1929, considering “the unfavorable influence” and “extreme agglomeration” of foreign elements in urban areas, the Secretaria de Relaciones Exteriores prohibited the immigration of workers of the above-mentioned origin.

72 See Comite Organizador (1930). See also, El Intruso, December 25, 1929; January 4, February 27, March 30, and April 30, 1930.

73 See also, López Victoria (1965).

74 The executive committee of the Comite Director was made up entirely by Sonorans and Sinaloans. Its president and vice-president, Miguel A. Salazar and Walterio Pesqueira, were initiated in politics through their participation in the anti-Chinese movement in the areas of the Yaqui Valley and Cananea respectively.

75 For relationship between the Comite Director de la Campaña Antichina and the Direccion de Salubridad Publica see Secretaria de Salubridad Publica-Archivo Histórico, Fondo Salubridad Publica (SSP-AH/FSP) C.29, e.6 and C.21, e.3. Goals and organization of the Union Nacionalista Mexicana see (1930) Acta Constitutiva y Estatutos de la Union Nacionalista Mexicana Pro-Raza y Salud Publica. México City and AGN/DGG 2.360(29) “Chinos.” For Union Nacional Mexicana, led by General Juan Quintana, see El Nacional Revolucionario, October 1, 2, 18 and 29, 1930. Other organizations as the Union Pro-Raza also founded in 1930 and later associated to the Confederacion de Clase Media of fascist and anticommunist stance sided with the extreme right opposition. See Perez Monfort (1993).

76 For relationships between state institutions and the Sociedad Eugénica Mexicana see (1932) Informe anual de las labores de la Sociedad Eugenica Mexicana durante su primer ano de trabajo 1931-1932. Boletin de la Sociedad Eugénica Mexicana, n. 10,

77 Racist expression commonly used at the time in United States and equivalent to the Mexican term of chinero.

78 For antiracist and antixenophobic stance of the PCM see El Machete, n. 26 (December, 18-25, 1924); n. 29 (January, 15-22, 1924); n. 191 (February 1-15, 1931); n. 193 (March 1-15, 1931); n. 199 (May 30, 1931); n. 200 (June 10, 1931), etc. See also Socorro Rojo --PCM front organization-- fliers against the anti-Chinese and anti-Semitic campaigns in AGN-DGG, 2.360 several documents, “Generalidades de extranjeros.”

79 For a discussion of the lack of consent see Córdova (1995: 201 ss.). For analysis of moral panics and its relationship with the process of construction of hegemonic consent see, Hall et.al. (1978: vii-viii, 218 ss).

80 Espinoza (1932: 50-52) claimed that given the fact that there were 4,000 Chinese shop owners in Sonora and 7,000 clerks working in 2,000 establishments, the enforcement of the 80% law would generate 5,000 openings for Sonorans. For Chinese and meningitis see El Intruso, March 13 and March 16, 1930 and El Pueblo, January 31, 1931.

81 See article “El Peligro Amarillo motivo ayer interesante debate en la Cámara,” El Nacional Revolucionario, October 1, 1930.

82 See article La plaga de los asiáticos en el puerto de Tampico (October 27, 1930) El Nacional Revolucionario.

83 Editorial - Extranjeros no deseables (April 23, 1930). El Nacional Revolucionario.

84 Founding documents of the Liga Antichina y Antijudía in AGN-DGG 2.360 c.6 e.14 (1931) Campaña antichina.

85 Reports, complaints and correspondence on “direct actions” see AGN-DGG, 2.360(22)8074 (1932) “Generalidades extranjeros.” and c6.e14 Campaña antichina.

86 General Francisco García Morales, was a well known Sonoran politician and military that played an important role in the struggle against the Anglo-American filibuster invasion of 1847, the Yaqui Indians and the French invasion of 1864-7; and was also respected for his honesty and staunch supporter of the rights of the states against the centralism of México City. Espinoza (1932: 120) acknowledged this fact in his comment on the anti-Chinese “guardias verdes” as the inheritors of the “brave and patriotic traditions” of the Sonorans that “cut the blonde head of Count Rousett d’Boulbon... that repealed bravely the cowboy Crabb ... and destroyed Uncle Sam’s tar [chapopote - in reference to the mostly Black US troops involved in an incident with Mexican troops on the international border] troops in 1918.”

87 Reports, correspondence and transcripts of interrogatories to deportees by US Immigration and Naturalization Service agents in AGN/DGG 2.360(22)8074 Generalidades de extranjeros.

88 Among Obregón’s creditors at the moment of his death were several Chinese businessmen. See report on his financial situation in Herbert Bursley, U.S. Consul, Guaymas, July 21, 1928, “Effect of Assassination of General Obregón Upon the Economic Situation in Southern Sonora.” NARA-Mex. Microform 274, roll n. 94.

89 For a discussion of revolutionary mode of expropriation see Aguilar Camín (1982: 48-55). On Rodolfo Elías Calles see Espinoza (1932: 105-106) and Guadarrama (1985:81-82).

90 Although mostly experienced in the northwestern frontier, southeastern and the Gulf regions states, the campaigns affected Chinese communities in all Mexican territory. Whereas between 1927 and 1940 nationally the Chinese population was reduced by 72% (from 24,218 to 4,856), in the northwestern states of the Pacific coast (Sonora, Sinaloa and Baja California Norte) it fell by 92%, by 80% in the southeastern states (Oaxaca and Yucatan) and in those of the Gulf (Veracruz and Tampico) by 75%. Lower figures were reported for the northern frontier states (Chihuahua, Coahuila, Nuevo Leon) with a drop of 57% and 41% for México City. In Sonora and Sinaloa, that together with Baja California Norte concentrated almost a fourth of México’s Chinese, the Chinese community was virtually erased with reductions of 98% and 99% respectively. Calculations based on charts VII, VIII and IX, Gómez Izquierdo (1991: 127, 150, 160)

91 For anti-Semitism and anti-Arabism see Espinoza (1932: 383-386) (1931: 222-231). See also, “Manifiesto a la Nación. Liga Nacional Anti-Judía y Anti-China,” in AGN-DGG 2.360(22) 8074, “Generalidades de Extranjeros.” For testimonies of anti-Semitism in Sonora see interviews with Abraham Goldberg and Nicolas Backal in Universidad Hebrea de Jerusalen (1990: 52-65; 72-76); for complaints of abuses against Jews and Palestinians see, “Quejas de comerciantes Judíos,” and “Aumento de contribuciones a Palestinos,” in AGN-DGG 2.360(22)8074 “Generalidades de extranjeros.” For Sonorans and Sinaloans participation in the leading national and official anti-Chinese organizations see Gómez Izquierdo (1991: 134 ss.)

92 See Cardiel (1997) and documents in AHGES- Folder Alfredo Echevarría - Partido Nacionalista Anti-Chino de Baja California.




Download 237.02 Kb.

Share with your friends:
1   2   3   4   5




The database is protected by copyright ©ininet.org 2020
send message

    Main page