Waart, Edo de. 56 Wachmann, Eduard 56

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(Fr. valse; Ger. Walzer).

A dance in triple time which became the most popular ballroom dance of the 19th century. Not only has it proved the most celebrated and enduring of dance forms, but its influence on musical history has probably been greater than that of any other (with the possible exception of the minuet). It attracted the attention of major composers of the 19th and early 20th centuries, and was accepted into all forms of musical composition. As a dance form its musical quality was developed to an unusual extent.

1. Origins and early forms.

2. Revival and heyday.

3. The wider influences.

4. 1920 onwards.




1. Origins and early forms.

The actual origins of the waltz are somewhat obscure, but it is clear that its evolution as a separate dance form was gradual. The name can be seen to be derived from the German verb walzen, which in turn is connected with the Latin verb volvere denoting a turning or rotating. French writers, starting with Castil-Blaze, have found an ancestor of the waltz in the 16th-century volte, but there seems to be no firm evidence with which to bridge the centuries before the first appearance of the word ‘walzen’ to describe a form of dancing, around the middle of the 18th century. The earliest known example of music specifically associated with ‘walzen’ is to be found in the Stegreifkomödie (extempore comedy) Der auf das neue begeisterte und belebte Bernardon (1754), which contains a song listing various types of dancing then in vogue and associates the verb ‘walzen’ with the music of ex.1.

The term ‘walzen’ was only one of several used as descriptions of basically similar dances – mostly in triple time and danced by couples in close embrace – to be found in southern Germany, Bavaria, Austria and Bohemia. Known under the generic name of ‘Deutscher’ or ‘German dances’, their particular names indicated either the nature of the dance, as in Dreher, Weller, Spinner or Schleifer, or the geographical origin, as in Steirer (from Styria) or Ländler (from Landl ob der Enns, another name for Upper Austria). The simple, unsophisticated form of these German dances, as opposed to the stateliness of the minuet, helped them to gain popularity and wide social acceptance, and the gliding and whirling associated with the description ‘walzen’ particularly helped the progress of what was eventually to be known as the waltz. In Die Leiden des jungen Werther (1774), Goethe described how, after Lotte had told her cavalier that she would very much like to dance ‘à l’Allemande’, she and Werther ‘soon took to waltzing and circled round each other like the spheres’. But the term is still used as a descriptive verb (rather than specifically as the name of a dance), as was the case in the booklet Etwas über das Walzen (1782) by C. von Zangen.

Even with the acceptance of the German dances into the ballroom it was unusual to distinguish the waltz from the generic term ‘Deutsche’. A collection of dances published in Vienna in 1786 by the firm of Artaria included ‘Walzer’ among other forms, but Mozart, who wrote many delightful Deutscher and ländler, never described any of them specifically as ‘Walzer’. However, the implicit inclusion of the waltz in what he composed is demonstrated on the one hand by the fraudulent publication under his name of a pamphlet purporting to be ‘A method of composing with two dice as many Waltzes and Schleifer as one wishes, without being musical or knowing anything of composition’, and on the other hand by the description of some of his dances as waltzes when published abroad. Indeed it seems to have been due as much as anything to the spread of the dance abroad that the name ‘waltz’ became generally accepted. Four ‘favorite waltzes’ for 1791 appeared in England in 1790.

In the last decade of the 18th century reports of the popularity of the waltz are easily found. In its March 1792 edition, the Journal des Luxus und der Moden reported that in Berlin ‘waltzes and nothing but waltzes are now so much in fashion that at dances nothing else is looked at; one need only be able to waltz, and all is well’. In his Taschenbuch für Freunde und Freundinnen des Tanzes (1800) J.H. Kattfuss wrote of the extent to which the waltz had replaced the contredanse in popularity, pointing out that the waltz ‘has now become such a general favourite and is so fashionable that no one can any longer be reconciled to the English dance without it, for practically all English dances are usually mixed with two turns of the waltz’. In addition he gave a clue to the way in which the waltz was speeding up and beginning to emerge from the body of German dances on musical considerations: ‘There is no difference in the steps of the waltz, Dreher or ländler, except that the waltz is danced quickly and the ländler slowly’.

But the increasing popularity of the waltz brought with it objections: on the one hand on medical considerations, because of the speed with which the dancers whirled around the room, and on the other on moral grounds because of the closeness with which the partners held each other. In 1797, in Halle, Salomo Jakob Wolf published a pamphlet entitled Beweis dass das Walzen eine Hauptquelle der Schwäche des Körpers und des Geistes unserer Generation sey (‘Proof that waltzing is a main source of the weakness of the body and mind of our generation’), and in an account of a journey through parts of Germany, Hungary, Italy and France in 1798 and 1799 Ernst Moritz Arndt wrote of ‘the erotic nature’ of the waltz as danced in some parts:

The male dancers grasped the long dresses of their partners so that they would not drag and be trodden upon, and lifted them high, holding them in this cloak which brought both bodies under one cover, as closely as possible against each other, and in this way the whirling continued in the most indecent positions; the supporting hand lay firmly on the breasts, at each movement making little lustful pressures; the girls went wild and looked as if they would drop. When waltzing on the darker side of the room there were bolder embraces and kisses. The custom of the country; it is not as bad as it looks, they exclaim: but now I understand very well why here and there in parts of Swabia and Switzerland the waltz has been prohibited.

In England too there were objections. Burney, in Rees’s Cyclopaedia, reflected ‘how uneasy an English mother would be to see her daughter so familiarly treated, and still more so to witness the obliging manner in which the freedom is returned by the females’. In his poem The Waltz: an Apostrophic Hymn, published in 1813 under the pseudonym of Horace Hornem Esq, Byron expressed his initial shock at the waltz and referred to ‘hands which may freely range in public sight where ne’er before’. In the book A Description of the Correct Method of Waltzing published in 1816 by the English dancing-master Thomas Wilson, the author found it necessary to defend the dance against accusations of being ‘an enemy to true morals and as endangering virtue’ and he reassured his readers that the waltz ‘is generally admitted to be a promoter of vigorous health and productive of an hilarity of spirits’ (see fig.1). At any rate the rapidity with which the book reached a second edition is indicative of the dance’s popularity.

In Vienna, certainly, there was no doubting the popularity of dancing as a pastime, and this was demonstrated by the opening of large dance halls such as the Sperl in 1807 and the Apollosaal (with accommodation for 6000 dancers) in 1808. The Vienna Congress, held against the background of the waltz, produced the famous phrase ‘Le Congrès ne marche pas – il danse’. The demand for dance music was increasing, and the genre was increasingly attracting the attention of more eminent musicians. Hummel was early in the line of piano virtuosos composing waltzes, with a set for the opening of the Apollosaal. Some of Beethoven’s Mödlinger Tänze (1819) were in waltz form, and he also completed his set of 33 variations on a simple waltz theme by the publisher Anton Diabelli which was the subject of a further 50 variations by as many different composers including Schubert and Liszt.

It is with Schubert that we find a major talent producing pieces specifically described as waltzes, rather than issued under a more general title, although even he might call a piece a ländler on one manuscript, a Deutscher on another and find it published as a Walzer. Some of these waltzes are still in the primitive form of two eight-bar sections, as in the Erste Walzer d365, while others run to 16 or even 24 bars, are in ternary form, or even have a proper trio (as in the Letzte Walzer d146). There is no attempt at a major development of the waltz form, but the sets are distinguished by typically Schubertian melodies, harmonies and modulations, and make notable use of minor keys. The ‘Trauerwalzer’, dating from about 1816, achieved a remarkable popularity even before it was published in his d365 waltzes, and provides an interesting indication of the value of associating a waltz with a name.

But by far the most significant event in the light of the waltz’s future development was the publication of Weber’s piano rondo Aufforderung zum Tanz (1819). Not only did he raise the status of the waltz from the dance hall to the concert platform, but he foreshadowed the form which the major dance composers were later to adopt for their waltzes, with the sequence of waltzes bound together with a formal introduction and a coda referring back to themes heard earlier. In the lengthening of the waltz sections, the elegance of its themes and the flow from one waltz to the next, it was at least a decade ahead of its time.


2. Revival and heyday.

By the 1820s the waltz had already enjoyed an international currency of several decades. For even the most popular dances this was a fair lifetime, and in France and England at least there appear to have been signs that its popularity was declining. In Vienna, however, the waltz had undoubtedly maintained its popularity, and dance bands flourished. That it was able to enjoy a renaissance and become a dance of unequalled significance was due to the emergence of a younger generation of bandleaders-cum-composers who were able to lift the form of the dance on to a higher plane, and to make the waltz acceptable just as much as a musical composition as in its role as a dance.

The two mainly responsible for this were Joseph Lanner (1801–43) and the elder Johann Strauss (1804–49). Having worked together for some years, in 1825 they split up and set up in friendly rivalry. Prior to their parting, most of Lanner’s compositions had been ländler, but from then onwards both men concentrated on the waltz, interspersed with other popular dance forms, such as the galop. In the next few years, as their personal popularity grew, they expanded the waltz form. Strauss’s op.1, the Täuberln-Walzer (1826), consisted simply of seven separate waltzes, each in turn made up of two eight-bar sections, except for a final lengthened 16-bar section. By the early 1830s the number of waltzes in a set was generally five, the constituent parts becoming increasingly of 16-bar rather than eight-bar length. The increasing fluency of the waltz themes brought with it a further increase in tempo, which eventually settled down at around 70 bars per minute. In addition, after the example of Weber, an introduction and a coda recapitulating the main themes became general. The introductions, at first only a few bars, themselves gradually lengthened and became descriptive, as well as often contrasting in tempo and metre.

The custom of naming the waltz sets was important, adding to their individuality and memorability. At first the name merely indicated the place or occasion for which the sets were composed, as in Strauss’s Täuberln-Walzer (for the inn Zu den Zwey Tauben) and Wiener-Carneval-Walzer op.3, or commemorated some personal event, as in Lanner’s Trennungs-Walzer (which marked the separation of Lanner and Strauss). Later, composers were forced to use more imaginative titles which were then reflected in the moods of the introductions.

Lanner and Strauss had their own followings, and their styles were contrasting. Lanner relied more on delicacy and melodic appeal, Strauss more on rhythmic variety. But their appeal was also due in no small part to their orchestration, which made an important contribution to the hypnotic effect of the music. During the 1830s they were the rage of Vienna and a big attraction for foreign visitors, particularly musicians. The 21-year-old Chopin noted that ‘Lanner, Strauss and their waltzes obscure everything’, while the young Wagner was spellbound by Strauss, ‘this demon of the Viennese popular spirit’. In 1833 the north German journalist Heinrich Laube wrote of an evening of dancing to Strauss at the Sperl dance hall:

To hold the unrestrained crowds in check a long rope is taken, and all who remain in the middle are separated from those actually occupied in dancing. But the boundary is flexible and yielding, and only in the steadily whirling girls’ heads can one distinguish the stream of dancers. The couples waltz intoxicated through all the accidental or intentional obstructions, wild delight is let loose … The start of each dance is characteristic. Strauss begins his quivering preludes …; the Viennese takes his girl low on his arm, they ease themselves in the most wonderful way into the beat. One hears a whole while longer the long-held chest notes of the nightingale with which her song begins and ensnares the senses, until suddenly the warbling trill splutters out, the real dance begins with all its raging velocity, and the couple plunge into the whirlpool.

The waltzes of Strauss and Lanner began to achieve popularity abroad, but it was only when Strauss began to tour with his orchestra that the popularity became a craze. Lanner scarcely left Vienna, but Strauss’s travels during the 1830s took him first on increasingly extensive tours of Germany in 1834–6 and then on a lengthy tour of France and Britain in 1837–8. Audiences already familiar with his waltzes through local performers were carried away by the rhythmic appeal of his own orchestra, and the waltz became firmly entrenched abroad both in the ballroom and as the centrepiece of popular promenade concerts. Pleasure gardens were opened where such concerts were a prime attraction, for example the ‘Vauxhall’ at Pavlovsk near St Petersburg in 1838, and the ‘Tivoli’ at Copenhagen in 1843. As well as dance leader-composers who had already achieved local renown, such as Philippe Musard (1792–1859) in Paris, Joseph Labitzky (1802–81) in Carlsbad and Philipp Fahrbach (1815–85) in Vienna itself, others began to establish themselves during the early 1840s, including Isaac Strauss (1806–88, no relation of the Viennese family) in Vichy, Josef Gung’l (1809–89) in Berlin, H.C. Lumbye (1810–74) in Copenhagen and Louis Jullien (1812–60) in London.

In Vienna, after Lanner’s death, his place as chief rival to Strauss was taken by Strauss's son, who in due course was to prove not only the outstanding exponent of the waltz but also the most widely popular composer of light music ever. His style perhaps showed a greater similarity to that of Lanner than to that of his father in its concentration on melody rather than rhythmic appeal. The rhythm became implicit rather than explicit, the musical phrases were lengthened, the themes became less symmetrical, and the scoring made more conventional use of instrumental colouring than in the rather brashly scored waltzes of the elder Johann Strauss. Even after the death of the father in 1849, the Strauss name became more synonymous with the waltz with the appearance on the scene of his other two sons, Josef in 1853 and Eduard in 1859.

Like their major rival, Gung’l, the Strausses had to travel widely to maintain their international renown. Gung’l was the first of the major waltz composers to cross the Atlantic, in 1849, and during the 1850s he achieved several big international successes, including Die Hydropaten (1858) and Amorettentänze (1860). But it was under Johann and Josef Strauss during the 1860s that the waltz achieved its peak of perfection as a combination of dance form and musical composition, and as the symbol of a gay and elegant age. No other waltz composer could consistently match their fund of melody, the flow of the music from introduction through to coda, or the sharply contrasted shapes of their themes. The decade produced a sequence of waltzes which have retained their place in popular esteem: Accelerationen (1860), Morgenblätter (1864), An der schönen blauen Donau and Künstlerleben (both 1867), Geschichten aus dem Wienerwald (1868) and Wein, Weib und Gesang (1869) by Johann, and Dorfschwalben aus Österreich (1864), Sphärenklänge (1868) and Mein Lebenslauf ist Lieb’ und Lust (1869) by Josef.

With the death of Josef Strauss in 1870 and Johann Strauss’s progress to operetta composition about the same time, the two major exponents of the waltz form were largely lost to it, and the most successful independent sets of waltzes produced by Johann Strauss in the next decade and a half were either based on themes from his operettas, as in Tausend und eine Nacht (1871) and Rosen aus dem Süden (1880), or, in the case of Frühlingsstimmen (1884), composed as a soprano showpiece. But by 1870 many other exponents of dance music had established or were acquiring their own reputations. Besides Labitzky, Gung’l, Lumbye and Eduard Strauss, there were Kéler-Béla (1820–82) in Wiesbaden, Emile Waldteufel (1837–1915) in Paris, Philipp Fahrbach jr (1843–94) and C.M. Ziehrer (1843–1922) in Vienna and Dan Godfrey (1831–1903) in London. Godfrey’s Mabel Waltz (1865) was the most celebrated English waltz of the 19th century.

During the 1870s and 80s the string of internationally successful works by Waldteufel were appearing, demonstrating the more easy-going French style of waltz music: Mon rêve (1876), Pluie d’or (1879), Les patineurs (1882), Estudiantina (1883) and España (after Chabrier, 1886). During the last two decades of the century there appeared a number of waltzes from several different composers which have remained popular: Valurile Dunării (Donauwellen, 1880) by Iosif Ivanovici (?1845–1902), Ziehrer’s Weana Mad’ln (1887) and Wiener Bürger (1890), Johann Strauss’s Kaiser-Walzer (1889), Sobre las olas (‘Over the Waves’, 1891) by the Mexican Juventino Rosas (1868–94), Mondnacht auf dem Alster by the Hamburg conductor Oscar Fetrás (1854–1931), Bad’ner Mad’ln by Karl Komzák (1850–1905) and, after the turn of the century, Lehár’s Gold und Silber (1902) and Winterstürme by Julius Fučík (1872–1916).

Several of these display a further development in the form of the popular waltz, with introductions on a much grander scale and the constituent waltzes reduced to three, each consisting, possibly, of two 32-bar parts. Some are perhaps more successful as concert music than as dances, and in the early years of the 20th century there was something of a reaction against this tendency towards greater pretentiousness. Lehár began to produce waltzes in a slicker form, with a shorter introduction prefacing a single, longer waltz and trio, followed by a coda. This refining process was also apparent in the compositions of English waltz composers, for example Dreaming (1911) by Archibald Joyce (1873–1963), Destiny (1912) by Sydney Baynes (1879–1938) and Nights of Gladness (1912) by Charles Ancliffe (1880–1952).


3. The wider influences.

During the 19th century the waltz was making its mark on all forms of music. In the theatre it became, later in the century, an important ingredient of operetta. Examples are to be found in Offenbach’s La belle Hélène (1864), Lecocq’s La fille de Madame Angot (1872) and in early Viennese operettas, such as Suppé’s Die schöne Galatea (1865). But the possibilities of the waltz for operetta were most clearly demonstrated by Arditi’s celebrated coloratura showpiece Il bacio (1860), by the inclusion of a full-scale waltz for soloists and chorus in the second-act finale of Gounod’s Faust (1859) and by the waltz song in the same composer’s Roméo et Juliette (1867). Johann Strauss had himself produced his waltzes An der schönen blauen Donau and Wein, Weib und Gesang for performance by male chorus, and it was his turning to the composition of operetta that brought about the Viennese operetta as it is familiarly known, with the waltz as its centrepiece.

In the operettas the waltz was most obviously in evidence in ballroom scenes, as in Die Fledermaus (1874), but there was altogether a profusion of waltz songs, notably those written for the Viennese operetta star Alexander Girardi (1850–1918) by Strauss in Der lustige Krieg (1881), by Carl Millöcker in Gasparone (1884) and Der arme Jonathan (1890), and by Carl Zeller in Der Vogelhändler (1891) and Der Obersteiger (1894). Later the waltz in a pronouncedly nostalgic vein was the foundation of such operettas as Heuberger’s Der Opernball (1899), Lehár’s Die lustige Witwe (1905) and Der Graf von Luxemburg (1909), Straus’s Ein Walzertraum (1907) and Der tapfere Soldat (1908), Fall’s Die Dollarprinzessin (1907) and Kálmán’s Die Csárdásfürstin (1915). Outside Vienna the waltz also figured prominently in the operettas of André Messager in Paris, Paul Lincke in Berlin, Lionel Monckton and Paul A. Rubens in London, and Victor Jacobi in Budapest.

In ballet too the waltz featured prominently in the major scores of the 19th century, including Delibes’ Coppélia (1870) and Sylvia (1876), and Tchaikovsky’s Swan Lake (1877), Sleeping Beauty (1890) and Nutcracker (1892). In opera, having been introduced for dramatic reasons as a simple rustic dance in Weber’s Der Freischütz (1823) and Marschner’s Hans Heiling (1833), it could by 1843 be included by Balfe in The Bohemian Girl as an acknowledgment of popular taste. Besides the waltzes in Gounod’s operas, familiar examples are to be found in Tchaikovsky’s Yevgeny Onegin (1877) and Offenbach’s Les contes d’Hoffmann (1881). Wagner’s enthusiasm for Johann Strauss found expression in the waltz of Klingsor’s Flower Maidens in Parsifal (1882).

Waltzes frequently appear in the operas of such late 19th-century composers as Massenet and Leoncavallo. But the waltz found particularly strong advocates in the two leading opera composers of the period immediately before World War I. Puccini, who was a close friend of Lehár, used the waltz to good effect in Musetta’s waltz song in La bohème (1896) as well as in the somewhat incongruous surroundings of the Polka Saloon in La fanciulla del West (1910) before attempting a sentimental operetta in the style of Lehár which finished up as La rondine (1917). Richard Strauss, perhaps wishing to live up to his surname, included a long waltz scene in his early Feuersnot (1901) and a waltz section in the Dance of the Seven Veils in Salome (1905) before indulging in it somewhat anachronistically for the Vienna of Maria Theresa in Der Rosenkavalier (1911) and more appropriately for the Vienna of 1860 in Arabella (1933). Baron Ochs’s favourite waltz in Der Rosenkavalier is an interesting variant of Josef Strauss’s waltz Geheime Anziehungskräfte (Dynamiden) of 1865 (ex.2).

Orchestral and instrumental waltzes are to be found in the output of almost all the major composers of the 19th and early 20th centuries. Almost as significant as the composition of Weber’s Aufforderung zum Tanz was the use of the waltz – again for programmatic reasons – by Berlioz in his Symphonie fantastique (1830). By that time too Chopin had followed the lead of Weber in beginning his series of piano waltzes in many different styles, ranging from virtuoso brilliance to a mood of melancholy, and displaying the greater freedom of rhythm that most noticeably differentiated the concert waltz from the dance. Liszt, too, exploited the waltz craze, not only in his transcriptions of music by other composers, as in the Soirées de Vienne (1852) after Schubert and his transcription of the waltz from Gounod’s Faust (1861), but also in such works as the four Mephisto Waltzes (1860, 1881–5) and the Valses oubliées (1881–5).

Among the Viennese symphonists of the late 19th century, Bruckner and Mahler were more inclined to resort to the rustic ländler than to the waltz, though Mahler introduced a grotesque version of the waltz into his Fifth Symphony. Brahms, a close friend of Johann Strauss, wrote his own set of waltzes for piano duet, op.39 (1865), and later the two sets of Liebeslieder Walzer (1869 and 1874). The Russians showed a particular predilection for the waltz. Glinka’s Valse-fantaisie (1839–56) was first performed at the Pavlovsk Vauxhall in 1840, and waltzes of special distinction are to be found throughout Tchaikovsky’s output, not only in his ballets and operas but also, for example, in The Seasons (1876), the Serenade for Strings (1880) and the Fifth Symphony (1888). Glazunov too composed several waltzes, of which the two orchestral Concert Waltzes are particularly noteworthy.

In France Saint-Saëns showed a special fondness for the waltz in compositions such as the Wedding Cake caprice-valse for piano and strings (1886), and like Liszt completed an essay in the macabre with his Danse macabre (1874). A further example in similar vein is the Valse triste of Sibelius in the incidental music to the play Kuolema (1903). But the composer who effectively summed up the whole era of the waltz was Ravel, whose Valses nobles et sentimentales (1911) look back unashamedly over a period of 90 years to the waltzes of Schubert, and whose choreographic poem La valse (1918) similarly looks back to an imperial ball of 1855 and magnificently captures the sweep of the waltzes of that period, while remaining notable for the typically brilliant orchestration of its composer.


4. 1920 onwards.

By destroying the Austro-Hungarian monarchy, World War I also destroyed the community in which the waltz had held sway. Those of the popular pre-war practitioners who were still active in the 1920s were forced to adjust to new dance styles coming from the USA and to the switch of the centre of European light music from Vienna to Berlin. In more serious music, Ravel’s waltz compositions had reflected the waltz as a thing of the past, and the dance had been treated in a grotesque manner not only by Mahler but also by Stravinsky in Petrushka (1911, where Lanner’s Die Schönbrunner is quoted) and by Walton in Façade (1923).

Nevertheless, the waltz retained sufficient hold on popular sentiment for it to continue to attract the attention of composers of light music, whether in orchestral examples such as by Eric Coates, in unashamedly sentimental songs by Robert Stolz (1880–1975), in the musicals of Ivor Novello (1893–1951), or for dramatic reasons in musical scores such as Richard Rodgers’s Carousel (1945) and Cole Porter’s Kiss Me, Kate (1948) or Oscar Straus’s for the film La ronde (1950). Stephen Sondheim's A Little Night Music (1973) is composed entirely in 3/4 time or derivatives thereof. Among more serious composers the waltz was noticeably embraced by Soviet musicians, as for example Khachaturian in his music for Masquerade (1939), Prokofiev in his Suite of Waltzes op.110 (1947) and Shostakovich in his light music, though other examples are to be found elsewhere, as in Britten’s Variations on a Theme of Frank Bridge (1937).

In current ballroom dancing the waltz is known chiefly through the slow waltz, which became internationally popular from about 1910, having derived from the ‘Valse Boston’, which came from the USA during the 1870s. Most examples have been adapted for dancing from popular song hits, from Ramona (1927) and Parlami d’amore, Mariù (1933) to The Last Waltz (1970)

Though the development of the waltz can thus be traced from the German dance of the 1750s to the popular music of the recent past, it is chiefly for its influence during the 19th century that the waltz is remembered. In particular, the Viennese waltz compositions of the second half of the 19th century, especially when played with the slight anticipation of the second beat and the subtle use of rubato which are characteristics of the traditional Viennese performance, remain a popular feature of concerts, and more than any other form of purely light music are a regular part of the repertory not only of salon orchestras but also of all major symphony orchestras.

See also Dance, §7.



Grove5 (M. Carner)

C. von Zangen: Etwas über das Walzen (Wetzlar, 1782)

S.J. Wolf: Beweis dass das Walzen eine Hauptquelle der Schwäche des Körpers and des Geistes unserer Generation sey (Halle, 1797, 2/1799)

T. Wilson: A Description of the Correct Method of Waltzing (London, 1816, 2/1817)

F. Niecks: ‘Concerning the Waltz’, ZIMG, vi (1904–5), 203–17

B. Weigl: Die Geschichte des Walzers nebst einem Anhang über die moderne Operette (Langensalza, 1910)

F. Lange: Der Wiener Walzer (Vienna, 1917)

F. Niecks: ‘Historical and Aesthetical Sketch of the Waltz’, MMR, xlvii (1917), 170–71, 193–5

I. Mendelssohn: ‘Zur Entwicklung des Walzers’, SMw, xiii (1926), 57–88

W. Herrmann: Der Walzer (Berlin, 1931)

F. Klingenbeck: Unsterblicher Walzer (Vienna, 1940)

E. Reeser: De geschiedenis van de vals (Amsterdam, 1947; Eng. trans., 1947)

M. Carner: The Waltz (London, 1948)

F. Klingenbeck: Das Walzerbuch (Vienna, 1952)

M. Schönherr and K.Reinöhl: Das Jahrhundert des Walzers: Johann Strauss Vater (Vienna, 1954)

H. Weigel: Das kleine Walzerbuch (Salzburg, 1965)

M.J.E. Brown: ‘The Story of the Trauerwalzer’, Essays on Schubert (London,1966), 291–305

F. Grasberger: ‘Die Legende von der “Erfindung” des Walzers’, ÖMz, xxii (1967), 33–7

F. Eibner: ‘Die Kulmination der Form im Wiener Walzer’, ÖMz, xxiii (1968), 494–500

R. Flotzinger: ‘Und walzen umatum … zur Morphologie des Wiener Walzers’, ÖMz, xxx (1975), 505–15, 573–8

M. Schönherr: ‘Modelle der Walzerkomposition: Grundlagen zu einer Theorie des Walzers’, ÖMz, xxx (1975), 273–86

M. Schönherr: ‘Ästhetik des Walzers’, ÖMz, xxxi (1976), 57–121

R. Hess: La valse (Paris, 1989)

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