with massive refugees from Venezuela, instability in Haiti and Cuba, [and]dominant gangs and drugs in the ‘triangle’ of Central America, nascent Islamic terrorism organizing, and the crisis on the U.S. southern border, it seems clear that we need to pay a lot more attention to the world to the south,” Stavridis added. One exception to this general rule is Colombia, where Washington has strong diplomatic and military relations. The United States is Colombia’s largest trade and investment partner, with large investments in the mining and manufacturing sectors, according to the State Department. Meanwhile, the U.S. military trains regularly with its Colombian partners and is a major provider of arms to the Colombian military and police.
And, Arezki-11 Arezki and Bruckner 11 [Rabah Arezki, Chief of the Commodities Unit in the IMF Research Department and Markus Brückner, Professor in the Research School of Economics of the Australian National University. “Food Prices and Political Instability” IMF Working Paper, IMF Institute, 2011] LADI//AT Our paper is also related to the literature on the determinants of state fragility. A large part of this literature has focused on civil war. This particular focus on civil war is understandable as these types of intra-state conflicts have killed and maimed millions of people (e.g. World Bank, 2003). We complement this conflict literature by focusing on the effects that food prices have on civil conflict risk – a focus that to the best of our knowledge is unique, as no paper has examined yet exclusively for food commodities the effects that variations in these international prices have on civil conflict risk.3 In addition to shedding novel light on the question of how international food price variations affect the likelihood of civil conflict in the world's poorest countries, we also examine more minor forms of intra-state instability, suchas anti-government demonstrations and riots, which are of considerable interest in and of themselves from a political economy point of view.