Windsor and Richmond Gazette, 22nd March 1922

1^ Colebee and Boladaree told John Hunter that “that this part of the country was inhabited by the Bidjigals, but that most of the tribe were dead of the small-pox”. Chapter XXI, John Hunter, An Historical Journal of the Transactions at Port Jackson and Norfolk Island, London, 1793. http://www.gutenberg.org/cache/epub/15662/pg15662.txt

2^ Pitt Town.

3^ Also known as Wianamatta.

4^ The left bank of the river across from the Lowlands, was apparently so called because it was targeted by the officers of the NSW Corps for their own use.

5^ The right bank of the Hawkesbury River, bordering Freeman’s Reach and Argyle Reach

6^ Collins followed his father into the marines. After participating in the Battle of Bunkers Hill in 1757 his father’s patronage resulted in a promotion to adjutant and deputy paymaster, thereby beginning his career as an administrator. Staying too long on the job could be as perilous in the Eighteenth Century as it was to become in the managerial culture of the twenty-first century. Collins published his book on his return to England. This was largely an attempt to gain notice and patronage following the death of his father, his chief patron while he was in NSW, and the languishing of his career after his return. He later returned to Van Diemen’s Land as Lieutenant Governor.

7^ Page 144, John Currey, David Collins A Colonial Life, The Miegunyah Press, Melbourne University Press, 2000.

8^ While Captain Raven is mentioned a number of times by David Collins, the only account of the arrival of Captain Raven on the 4^th March 1795 with a cargo purchased at the Cape of Good Hope for the officers of the NSW Corps is found in The Journal of Daniel Paine 1794-1797, Library of Australian History, Sydney, 1983. His description of the venality of the NSW Corps officers has no match in Collins’s work, confirming that Collins was circumspect when dealing with his social equals. As Collins was probably one of “the Principal Officers of the Colony” that welcomed Captain Raven and may have invested in the speculative journey, this probably explains why Collins chose not to describe such a joyous event in his account. That Paine states the Britannia arrived on the 10^th of May only illustrates the difficulties of dealing with primary sources.‘MAY 1795

May 10

Arrived the Britannia Captⁿ. Raven from Madras with some Provisions for the Colony but the greater part of her Cargo belonging to the Gentlemen Monopolisers she having been taken up for about half her Burthen on Account of Government by the former temporary Governor whereby the Officers were accommodated with proportionable ventures on very advantageous terms by Captⁿ. Raven & C^o. on board the said Ship but on which some doubts were entertained respecting the General Interest of the Colony being benefited of Individuals interested there was none.
So great was the anxiety with which the Britannia and Captⁿ. Raven had been expected and the many Doubts and fears under which some People laboured for their Safety so high that my Concern mingled with Curiosity had been excited for a Sight of this Ship and her Great Commander (truly so for he was almost as big as three common sized Men).
Great and tumultous was the joy and Ludicrously extravagant was the Exhibition of it on the Arrival and Landing of this Great Man. He was met and attended by the Principal Officers of the Colony, the Military Band playing and a Chaise belonging to Colonel Paterson the Military Commandant was brought by the Soldiers to the landing place in which his Ponderous Body was placed and dragged by a Circuitous Rout to the Barracks amidst the noisy Huzza's of the Soldiers the Town in an uproar and the Music at one Time even struck up the Military Air He Comes He Comes the Hero comes.
Having with some difficulty alighted at one of the Officer's Houses orders were then given that the Soldiers should drink Captⁿ. R'^s Health in some of his Bengal rum and towards the close of the Day its Effects were visible in a number of his Welcomers.
Such were the Honours paid to this Great Man much greater than those paid to Governor Hunter on his Arrival although his Character and Virtues were well known in the Colony.’

Page 23, The Journal of Daniel Paine, 1794-1797, Library of Australian History, Sydney, 1983.

9^ I have revised this part of Pondering the Abyss in light of Jan Barkley-Jack’s work. In particular I am indebted for her work on Joseph Burdett whose death was only recorded in the Land Grant Records and for her identification of Shadrach and Akers as the target for the September 1794 attack. Her work on the manner in which the NSW Corps used dummy land grants to serving soldiers as a means to enrich officers is revealing.

10^ Major Grose had seen service in the American War of Independence and his wounds received there would eventually force his return from NSW. On his return to England he filled various staff roles and had been promoted to Lieutenant General on his retirement in 1809.

11^ Henry Dundas was the then Secretary of State for the Home Department. In 1806 he was impeached for misappropriation of public funds while treasurer of the Admiralty a charge of which he was cleared.

12^ Page 365, Series I, Volume 1, HRA, Library Committee of the Commonwealth Parliament, 1914.

13^ As a youthful African explorer he was under the patronage of Lady Strathmore. In NSW Paterson was a protégé of Banks. He sent various natural collections from Norfolk Island and Sydney to Banks. He sent plants to the Calcutta Botanical Gardens, which had been sponsored by Banks. On his return to England he was promoted and became a fellow of the Royal Society.

14^ I have drawn upon HRA and John Currey, David Collins A Colonial Life, The Miegunyah Press, Melbourne University Press, 2000, for these events.

15^ Edward Abbott was born in 1766 in Montreal, Canada. The Australian Dictionary of Biography records him as joining the army at 13, i.e., in 1779 and being commissioned as First Lieutenant in the 34^th Regiment in March 1785. As the 34^th Regiment was withdrawn into Canada after the Battle of Saratoga in 1777 it is likely that he joined that regiment as an ensign in 1779. It is of interest that an officer of the 34^th commanded a company of sharpshooters that became known as “rangers” during the Revolutionary War. When the regiment returned to England in 1786 it brought with it a wealth of knowledge and experience of frontier warfare, fighting alongside settlers and Native Americans against the rebels and their Native American allies. He joined the NSW Corps, also known as The Botany Bay Rangers in 1789 and, with his wife, arrived in Sydney in June 1790 along with John Macarthur. He took part in one of Tench’s punitive expeditions to Botany Bay. He served at Norfolk Island in 1791-94, and then took command at the Hawkesbury. He was promoted captain in 1795 and was invalided to England the following year. He returned in 1799 as an engineer and artillery officer. In 1802 he was again at Norfolk Island, but returned next year to command a detachment at Parramatta and was appointed a magistrate. Governor Phillip Gidley King gave him 1300 acres for his services in quelling the Irish convicts’ revolt. Next in seniority to Johnston, Abbott approved Governor Bligh's arrest but took no active part in deposing the governor. In May 1808, before news of the mutiny had reached England, he was promoted major; he returned to England with the corps in 1810 and resigned from the army after Johnston's court martial. He went to Van Diemen’s Land in 1814. http://www.adb.online.anu.edu.au/biogs/A010002b.htm?hilite=Edward%3BAbbott

16^ Philip Gidley King came to NSW in 1788 on the Sirius with Phillip. He settled Norfolk Island in 1788 and apart from a brief return to England, 1790-91, remained there till 1796. He was appointed Governor of NSW in 1800. Unsurprisingly his tenure was plagued by disputes and difficulties with the NSW Corps.

17^ A captain was not sent.

18^ Page135ff, Volume 2, HRNSW, Sydney, Government Printer, 1893.

19^ Concluding his letter of 19/11/1793 to Evan Nepean, Under-Secretary of State King wrote: “If N.Z. should be seriously though on, would it not be advisable for some person to examine the country before any people are sent there? I should have no objection to performing that service, which might be completed in two months on sailing from hence.

By your brother I have sent you a box of N.Z’d curiosities, which you will dispose of as you may think proper.

I am, &c,

PHILIP GIDLEY KING”

Page 98, Volume 2, HRNSW, Sydney, Government Printer, 1893.

20^ Page 96ff, Volume 2, HRNSW, Sydney, Government Printer, 1893.

21^ Not available.

22^ Charles Grimes.

23^ Pages 96-98, Volume 2, HRNSW, Sydney, Government Printer, 1893.

24^ http://image.sl.nsw.gov.au/Ebind/safe1_16/a1318/a1318200.html

25^ Cardell appears to have been a ringleader in the mutiny. Evidence from other soldiers points to Cardell having either experience or knowledge of a mutiny in the “East Indias”. Cardell appears to have led some of the men in the taking of a secret oath. None of which appears to done Cardell any harm. A soldier by the name of Cardell was given a land grant in 1795.

26^ Page 190, Volume 2, HRNSW, Sydney, Government Printer, 1893.

27^ Page 127-8, Volume 2, HRNSW, Sydney, Government Printer, 1893.

28^ Page 129, Volume 2, HRNSW, Sydney, Government Printer, 1893.

29^ Page 125-126, Volume II, HRNSW, Sydney, Government Printer, 1893.

30^ Page 130-131, Volume 2, HRNSW, Sydney, Government Printer, 1893.

31^ At the time Portland wrote this despatch, Lieutenant Abbott was very busy on the Hawkesbury frontier.

32^ Page 496, Series I, Volume 1, HRA, Library Committee of the Commonwealth Parliament, 1914.

33^ What Hunter made of the preserved head of an Aboriginal warrior left for him by Grose is unrecorded.

34^ He was also the senior serjeant in the NSW Corps.

35^ Private Eaddy/Addy would become a Hawkesbury settler as would Private Faithfull, some of whose descendants were eventually driven out of their Victoria run by Aboriginal people that they were in conflict with.

36^ http://www.law.mq.edu.au/scnsw/html/Boston%20v%20Laycock,%201795.htm

37^ http://www.familyhistoryarticles.com/Article/Robert-WATSON-born-Northumberland-and-Quartermaster-of-the--Sirius--of-the-First-Fleet-to-Australia/6

The court transcript and the Governor’s despatch can be found on http://www.law.mq.edu.au/scnsw/html/Boston%20v%20Laycock,%201795.htm

38^ Journal of Richard Atkins during his residence in NSW, 1791-1810. The manuscript is held by the National Library of Australia. A microfilm, Fm3/585, of very poor quality, is available at the Mitchell Library. It is also available on the Internet, http://www.law.mq.edu.au/scnsw/html/atkins_1794.htm.

39^ Upon leaving the army in 1799, William Faithfull became farm manager for Foveaux, thereby beginning his rise to fame and fortune, http://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/faithful-william-2035.

40^ http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Philip_Gidley_King.

41^ Page 148, Robert J. King, The Secret History of the Convict Colony, Allen and Unwin, 1990.

42^ Ibid., page 148.

43^ Trachoma is an infection that affects the eyelids and can cause blindness.

44^ There are those who remain unconvinced of Campbell’s case that small pox did not come with the First Fleet. While respecting Campbell’s arguments, I think it fair to note that some controversy still remains. Peter Stride in an article, The 1727 St Kilda epidemic: smallpox or chickenpox?, http://www.lumison.co.uk/~rcpe/journal/issue/journal_39_3/stride.pdf, raises two possible alternatives. Firstly that “The smallpox virus is viable outside a host and has been isolated from scabs sitting on a shelf for 13 years”. Secondly he argues that it was not until 1767 that William Heberden, distinguished between chicken pox and small pox. Given the quality of medical training in the eighteenth century it was possible that the 1789 observers mistook chicken pox for small pox. As children were particularly vulnerable to smallpox, Collins’ was puzzled that: “Notwithstanding the town of Sydney was at this time filled with children, many of whom visited the natives that were ill of this disorder, not one of them caught it”. Page 496, David Collins, An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales, Volume I, A.H. &A.W. Reed, Sydney, 1975.

45^ Page14, Judy Campbell, Invisible Invaders, Smallpox and other diseases in Aboriginal Australia 1780-1880, Melbourne University Press, 2002.

46^ Page 54, ibid.

47^ ‘The venereal disease also had got among them; but I fear our people have to answer for that; for though I believe none of our women had connection with then, yet there is no doubt but that several of the black women had not scrupled to connect themselves with the white men. Of the certainty of this an extraordinary instance occurred. A native woman had a child by one of our people. On its coming into the world she perceived a difference in its colour; for which not knowing how to account, she endeavoured to supply by art what she found deficient in nature, and actually held the poor babe, repeatedly, over the smoke of her fire, and rubbed its little body with ashes and dirt, to restore it to the hue with which her other children had been born. Her husband appeared as fond of it as if it had borne the undoubted sign of being his own, at least so far as complexion could ascertain to whom it belonged. Whether the mother had made use of any address on the occasion, I never learned.

It was by no means ascertained whether the lues venerea had been among them before they knew us, or whether our people had to answer for having introduced that devouring plague. Thus far is certain, however, that they gave it a name, Goo-bah-rong; a circumstance that seems rather to imply a pre-knowledge of its dreadful effects.’

David Collins,

48^ Page 17, Judy Campbell, Invisible Invaders, Smallpox and other diseases in Aboriginal Australia 1780-1880, Melbourne University Press, 2002.

49^ Page 18, ibid.

50^ Page 24, ibid.

51^ ‘Cole-be's wife, … Ba-rang-a-roo … died of a consumption’, David Collins, Book 1,

52^ By 1850 it was estimated that half the British population had consumption, or TB. Page 16, Judy Campbell, Invisible Invaders, Smallpox and other diseases in Aboriginal Australia 1780-1880, Melbourne University Press, 2002.

53^ Page 105-6, Robert J. King, The Secret History of the Convict Colony, Allen and Unwin, 1990.

54^ Orangutans come from Borneo, though Blumenbach and Linnaeus may have confused their identity with primates from Africa.

55^ The implication of this sentence is that Aboriginal people were not descendants of Adam and Eve. It echoed Banks’ observations. Malaspina expressed horror at Aboriginal people being naked and without shame. Their reluctance to adopt clothing pointed to them having a separate creation, Adam’s descendants all wore clothes because of their shame.

56^ The class of public Prostitutes, which comprehends all the women of the Colony (if one excepts some few who are the lawful Wives of the officials) Page 143, Robert J. King, The Secret History of the Convict Colony, Allen and Unwin, 1990.

57^ Given this evidence, and the evidence of the behaviour of the soldiers on Norfolk Island, one can only wonder at what took place in the barracks at Windsor.

58^ Pages 144-8, Robert J. King, The Secret History of the Convict Colony, Allen and Unwin, 1990.

59^ Page 159, Robert J. King, The Secret History of the Convict Colony, Allen and Unwin, 1990.

60^ Tonga.

61^ Page 160, Robert J. King, The Secret History of the Convict Colony, Allen and Unwin, 1990

62^ There are Hawkesbury families who identify their ancestors among those first arrivals.

63^ Going downstream.

64^ Open country

65^ Page 52, Ross, Valerie, The Everingham Letterbook, Anvil Press, 1985. Everingham’s use of the word Aborigines predated Macquarie’s.

66^ ‘He that commit sin is of the Devil …’ 1 John, 3:8. I am indebted to Toni Hurley of the History Teachers Assocation for pointing out the religious significance of “committing”.

67^ Page 285, David Collins, An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales, Volume 1, A.H. & A.W. Reed, 1974.

68^ This reference is probably to someone who started farming in the Spring of 1793.

69^ Page 304, David Collins, An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales, A.H. & A.W. Reed, Volume 1, 1974

70^ www.law.mq.edu.au/scnsw/html/atkins_1794.htm

71^ Page 308-309, David Collins, An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales, Volume 1, A.H. & A.W. Reed, 1974.

72^ Page 483, Series I, Volume I, HRA, Library Committee of the Commonwealth Parliament, 1914.

73^ Collins asserted that the “natives from the woods”, i.e., the Bideegal people, carried out the attack. Page 339, Pages 341 and 596, David Collins, An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales, Volume 1, A.H. & A.W. Reed, 1974.

Settler awareness of differences between different Koori groups was limited by Bank’s assurance that all Koori people lived on the coast and ate fish. The settlers only became aware of linguistic differences between Koori people during Governor Phillip’s expedition from Rose Hill to the Hawkesbury on 11-12^th April 1791. On the night of the 11^th April, Tench recorded a nocturnal meeting with Bereewan, a man from the Hawkesbury River. The meeting with Bereewan probably took place on a creek around Rouse Hill as they reached the river after a two hour walk on the 12^th. Page 226-228, Watkin Tench, Sydney’s First Four Years, Library of Australian History, Sydney, 1979.

A perception developed among the settlers that there were coastal Aboriginal people who ate fish and people from the woods whose diet was unknown, but possibly included cannibalism. The “natives from the woods”, i.e., the Bideegal people, were believed to be particularly aggressive and the dominant Koori group. Whatever label one chooses to use there can be no doubt that the attacks were carried out by Koori people of the Hawkesbury defending their own. David Collins account creates the impression that there were no Aboriginal people on the Hawkesbury. This may have well been a deliberate fabrication on Collins’ part, which was repeated in the Windsor and Richmond Gazette, 17^th December 1910, “The early settlers needed plenty of strength and much courage. Between them and Parramatta dwelt an aggressive tribe of blacks, who contracted a habit of making periodical raids on the homesteads.”

74^ The records provide us with range of excuses for the taking and keeping of Koori children. Some it was claimed were taken because they were orphaned, others became the subject of experiments in social engineering, some were kept as hostages. All had in common that they were enslaved.

75^ This information came from John Wilson, an ex convict who “herded” with Aboriginal people and who was about to set out on a trip to Port Stephens with Grimes the surveyor.

76^ Journal of Richard Atkins during his residence in NSW, 1791-1810. The manuscript is held by the National Library of Australia. A microfilm, Fm3/585, of very poor quality, is available at the Mitchell Library. It is also available on the Internet.

77^ Again I am indebted to J.E. Nagle’s, Collins, the Courts and the Colonies, Law and Society in Colonial New South Wales 1788-1796, UNSW Press, 1996 which first drew my attention to the account.

78^ Pages 326-327, David Collins, An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales, Volume 1, A.H. & A.W. Reed, 1974.

79^ Pages 329-330, David Collins, An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales, Volume 1, Reed, 1974.

80^Alexander Wilson and Joseph Wilson were settlers. John Wilson was the runaway.

81^ Roger Twyfield was a First Fleet Convict.

82^ http://www.law.mq.edu.au/scnsw/html/Murder%20of%20Native%20Boy,%201794.htmSource: Bench of Magistrates, Minutes of Proceedings Feb 1788 – Jan 1792, State Records N.S.W., SZ765.

83^ The Surprize brought four of the five “Scottish martyrs”. They were “gentlemen convicts”, transported for sedition. Providing they did not engage in political activity their movements were not constrained. They became friends with Collins.

84^ William Baker had been a sergeant in Tench’s company of marines and took up a position as storekeeper on the Hawkesbury.

85^ The Savoy was a prison in England where military prisoners were kept. A. G. L. Shaw estimated ten percent of the NSW Corps were drawn from the Savoy.

86^ Page 330, David Collins, An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales, Volume 1, A.H. & A.W. Reed, 1974

87^ At Wilberforce.

88^ I have not been able to locate the primary source of this secondary material. I have decided to include it until I obtain clarification. Page 157, B. Hardy, Early Hawkesbury Settlers, Kenthurst, Kangaroo Press, 1985.

89^ Page 32, Ed RJ Ryan, Land Grants 1788-1809, Australian Documents Library, 1974.

90^ Pages 339 and 595, David Collins, An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales, Volume 1, A.H. & A.W. Reed, 1974.

91^ Grimes was accompanied by John Wilson.

92^ Page 338-339, David Collins, An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales, Volume 1, A.H. & A.W. Reed, 1974.

93^ Pages 417-8, Series I, Volume II, HRA, Library Committee of the Commonwealth Parliament, 1914.

94^ One of these grants, for 400 acres, was made to Lieutenant Abbott and 12 others on 22/08/1795. See also Page 134, Lynne McLoughlin, Landed Peasantry or Landed Gentry: A Geography of Land Grants, in A Difficult Infant: Sydney before Macquarie, ed. Graeme Aplin, NSW University Press, 1968.

95^ See Part One of Jan Barkley-Jack, Hawkesbury Settlement Revealed, Rosenberg, 2009.

96^ Pages 341 and 596, David Collins, An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales, Volume 1, A.H. & A.W. Reed, 1974.

97^ Pages 339 and 595, David Collins, An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales, Volume 1, A.H. & A.W. Reed, 1974.

98^ Page 348, David Collins, An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales, Volume 1, A.H. & A.W. Reed, 1974.

99^ Pages 341 and 596, David Collins, An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales, Volume 1, A.H. & A.W. Reed, 1974

100^ The colonial schooner brought the first harvests to Sydney in May and June 1795.

101^ Page 348, David Collins, An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales, Volume 1, A.H. & A.W. Reed, 1974.

102^ ‘Monday 20^th (January 1800) I walked down through the town and I was showed that most accomplished pickpocket, Barrington and he and Thomas Atkins Esq. walking arm and arm together. I saluted them, as I wished to have some little chat with them and I believe they were the same with me. Mr Atkins invited me into his house and Barrington came with us. The rum bottle came to table, and tumblers and spring water. We had many little jokes about Ireland and passed away time, but several times I wished to withdraw, but to no purpose. Mr Atkins said he never let any bottle off his table till it was emptied. He was not Judge Advocate at this time, only when Judge Dore was not able, which was very often, for spirits was plenty in the colony, he was very often sick and not able to come to court. Mr Barrington asked me so many questions about Ireland. At last I tould him I knew Ireland as well as he did England, although I never went so fast through it. We finished the half gallon bottle and you may guess we were as full of chatter as a hen magpie in May. I bid them goodbye and returned home.

Mrs Holt wondered at me when I told her the company and what we drank. She said that, with the hot climate and the spirits, she was afraid it would injure my health. I told her that I was informed that the hotter the climate the more spirits could be drank, and so I found it after by experience.’ Pages 51–52, Joseph Holt, A Rum Story, The Adventures of Joseph Holt, Thirteen Years in New South Wales, 1800-1812, Edited Peter O’Shaughnessy, Kangaroo Press, 1988.

103^ Mrs. Felton Mathew, on the 14^th of June 1833, noted that “The climate by all accounts is wonderfully altered”. Hamilton Hume’s mother, who had been thirty eight years in the colony, told her “that the heat was much greater, and the cold never so severe in former times”. On the 25^th of July 1833 Sarah Mathew noted that the frost had burnt her geraniums “to shew the extent cold, so much increased since the first settling of the Colony, when frost was unknown and the climate believed to be almost a tropical one. All the old inhabitants say it is greatly changed and the frost increasing yearly.” Pages 118-119 and 128, Olive Harvard, Mrs. Felton Mathew’s Journal, Journal of the Royal Australian Historical Society, Vol. 24.

104^ The Journal of Richard Atkins during his residence in NSW, 1791-1810.

105^ That Atkins wrote the word “buissiness” twice indicates that this endeavour was more than a few settlers locking up Koori boys and using them as forced labour. Page 55, Richard Atkins, The Journal of Richard Atkins during his residence in NSW, 1791-1810. Fm3/585, Mitchell Library.

106^ Pages 339 and 595, David Collins, An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales, Volume 1, A.H. & A.W. Reed, 1974.

107^ I cannot find any other reason for his arrest. Page 665, HRA, Series 1, Vol II.

108^ P.G. King, Governor King’s Letter Book, 1797-1806, A2015, Mitchell Library. This letter does not appear in either HRNSW or HRA.

109^ Page 104, Joseph Holt, A Rum Story, The Adventures of Joseph Holt, Thirteen Years in New South Wales, 1800-1812, Edited Peter O’Shaughnessy, Kangaroo Press, 1988.

110^ Page 85, Ed., Statham, A Colonial Regiment, New Sources relating to the New South Wales Corps, 1789 - 1810, Central Printery, ANU, 1992.

111^ Pages 68, Joseph Holt, A Rum Story, The Adventures of Joseph Holt, Thirteen Years in New South Wales, 1800-1812, Edited Peter O’Shaughnessy, Kangaroo Press, 1988

112^ Page 339, David Collins, An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales, Volume 1, A.H. & A.W. Reed, 1974Jan Barkley-Jack argues convincingly that the man was Joseph Burdett and that he died of his wounds, probably in late 1794. Page 289, Jan Barkley-Jack, Hawkesbury Settlement Revealed, Rosenberg, 2009.

113^ Collins use of this word makes sense when it is realized that the taking of Aboriginal children was slavery.

114^ John Wilson was a former sailor who had been sentenced to seven years transportation at Wigan in October 1785 and arrived on the Alexander in 1788. He spent much of his time with Aboriginal people, but also assisted the settlers by taking part in the exploration of New South Wales. He accompanied Charles Grimes to Port Stephens in February 1795 and saved him from being speared. In 1798 he acted as a guide on two expeditions to the south-western districts, journeys important in both geographical and natural history annals. He went back to Aboriginal people in 1799 and was killed in 1800 by a warrior over a woman. Page 341, David Collins, An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales, Volume 1, A.H. & A.W. Reed, 1974.

115^ Pages 341 and 596, David Collins, An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales, Volume 1, A.H. & A.W. Reed, 1974.

116^ P342, David Collins, An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales, Volume 1, A.H. & A.W. Reed, 1975

117^ He died in June 1795.

118^ Richard Atkins wrote on page 54 of his journal, “A man of the name of Webb, was fined at a criminal court fifty pounds for writing what was thought an improper letter. The Court was not competent to take cognizance of it. It is in the jurisdiction of a civil court.”

119^ March, 1795.

120^ As mentioned earlier, Thomas Webb’s farm on the left bank of the river on the Canning Reach would have been an isolated location in 1795. He should not be confused with James Webb, an earlier Hawkesbury settler who had a grant upstream on the right bank. Webb’s Creek was named after James.

121^ These would have been some of the ten soldiers led by Serjeant Goodall. They were most probably quartered next to the store house at Thompson Square.

122^ Page 346, David Collins, An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales, Volume 1, A.H. & A.W. Reed, 1974

123^ Page 36, The Journal of Daniel Paine, Ed. Knight and Frost, Library of Australian History, 1983.

124^ Pages 56-57, The Journal of Richard Atkins during his residence in NSW, 1791-1810, FM3/585, Mitchell Library or http://www.law.mq.edu.au/scnsw/html/atkins_1794.htm

125^ Burdett had been killed in 1794. Webb, Wilson and Thorpe were killed in May and June 1795. Rowe and his infant, while killed in June, died after the punitive expedition.

126^ The Historical Records of Australia, page 509, show that there were a total of ninety-four soldiers of the NSW Corps under the command of Lieutenant Abbott at the Hawkesbury on the 14^th of June 1795. This was the largest detachment outside Sydney.

127^ Page 499-500, Series I, Volume I, HRA, Library Committee of the Commonwealth Parliament, 1914.

128^ Page 500, Series I, Volume I, HRA, Library Committee of the Commonwealth Parliament, 1914.

129^ A pea like seed used in India in curries.

130^http://image.sl.nsw.gov.au/banks/80258.jpg and http://image.sl.nsw.gov.au/banks/80259.jpg

131^ Source: Collins to Edward Laing, 11 June 1795, King Papers (b), State Library of New South Wales, Sydney, pp. 131-4, quoted in John Currey, David Collins A Colonial Life, Melbourne: Miegunyah Press, and http://k6.boardofstudies.nsw.edu.au/go/hsie/background-sheets/british-colonisers-1792-1809/

132^ It is more likely that this was Joseph Wilson rather than Alexander Wilson. Both men were granted 30 acres each on 19^th November, 1794. Joseph Wilson’s farm was across the river from Thomas Webb’s on Canning Reach. Joseph Wilson’s grant was cancelled and the land reallocated. See Jan Barkley-Jack, Hawkesbury Settlements Revealed, Rosenberg, 2009.

133^ William Rowe had arrived with the First Fleet on the Scarborough, having been sentenced at Launceston to seven years transportation in March 1785 (Mutch Index)

134^ Pages 348-349 and 597, David Collins, An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales, Volume 1, A.H. & A.W. Reed, 1974.

135^ Daniel Paine was friends with the Scottish Martyrs and shared their political viewpoints; however, he was less reticent than they, which brought him into conflict with Collins.

136^ Collins charged Paine with contempt of court for Paine’s defence of his servant Lloyd who was charged with murder. While not relevant it is interesting to note that “There was a black man, a native sleeping on the hearth …. that had been up with Mr Paine’s people cutting timber”. Page 24, The Journal of Daniel Paine 1794-1797, Ed. Knight and Frost, Library of Australian History, Sydney, 1983. This has relevance to the timber cutters on the Hawkesbury who appeared to gone about their isolated work without trouble from Aboriginal people.

137^ David Collins.

138^ Page 30, The Journal of Daniel Paine 1794-1797, Ed. Knight and Frost, Library of Australian History, Sydney, 1983.

139^ That is, the farmers produced the wheat, not the Aboriginal people.

140^ Rev Fyshe Palmer in a letter to Doctor John Disney 13^th June 1795. https://www.ausnc.org.au/corpora/cooee/1-043-original

141^ Was this possibly Deedora? See Part 2.

142^ Jan Barkley-Jack in her authoritive work, Hawkesbury Settlements Revealed, Rosenberg, 2009, makes a strong case for there being a group of settlers around North Richmond in 1794.

143^ Jan Barkley-Jack in Part One of Hawkesbury Settlement Revealed argues that many of the land grants to privates were dummies and quickly sold on to officers as a means of circumnavigating the restrictions on officers having multiple holdings.

144^ ‘The Providence met with very bad weather on her passage from the Brazil coast, and was driven past this harbour as far to the northward as Port Stephens, in which she anchored. There, to the great surprise of Captain Broughton, he found and received on board four white people, (if four miserable, naked, dirty, and smoke-dried men could be called white,) runaways from this settlement. By referring to the transactions of the month of September 1790, it will be found that five convicts, John Tarwood, George Lee, George Connoway, John Watson, and Joseph Sutton, escaped from the settlement at Parramatta, and, providing themselves with a wretched weak boat, which they stole from the people at the South Head, disappeared, and were supposed to have met a death which, one might have imagined, they went without the Heads to seek. Four of these people (Joseph Sutton having died) were now met with in this harbour by the officers of the Providence, and brought back to the colony. They told a melancholy tale of their sufferings in the boat; and for many days after their arrival passed their time in detailing to the crowds both of black and white people which attended them their adventures in Port Stephens, the first harbour they made. Having lived like the savages among whom they dwelt, their change of food soon disagreed with them, and they were all taken ill, appearing to be principally affected with abdominal swellings. They spoke in high terms of the pacific disposition and gentle manners of the natives. They were at some distance inland when Mr. Grimes was in Port Stephens; but heard soon after of the schooner's visit, and well knew, and often afterwards saw, the man who had been fired at, but not killed at that time as was supposed, by Wilson. Each of them had had names given him, and given with several ceremonies. Wives also were allotted them, and one or two had children. They were never required to go out on any occasion of hostility, and were in general supplied by the natives with fish or other food, being considered by them (for so their situation only could be construed) as unfortunate strangers thrown upon their shore from the mouth of the yawning deep, and entitled to their protection. They told us a ridiculous story, that the natives appeared to worship them, often assuring them, when they began to understand each other, that they were undoubtedly the ancestors of some of them who had fallen in battle, and had returned from the sea to visit them again; and one native appeared firmly to believe that his father was come back in the person of either Lee or Connoway, and took him to the spot where his body had been burnt. On being told that immense numbers of people existed far beyond their little knowledge, they instantly pronounced them to be the spirits of their countrymen, which, after death, had migrated into other regions.’Page 357, David Collins, An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales, Reed, 1975
Lieutenant William Breton in 1833 paraphrased Collins. “It is remarkable that these people believed the whites were some of their ancestors who had fallen in battle, and returned from the sea to revisit them; in consequence of this they held them in high respect. One native was convinced that he had identified his father in the person of one of the runaways, and conducted the man to the spot where the body of his parent had been burnt. When informed that great numbers of people existed in other parts of the world, they said they must be the spirits of their countrymen, which, after death, had migrated to other climes.”

Page 206, Lieutenant William Breton, Excursions in New South Wales, Western Australia, and Van Dieman's Land During the years 1830, 1831 1832, and 1833. Richard Bentley, 1833.

http://books.google.com.au/books?id=IDtCAAAAcAAJ&printsec=frontcover&dq=inauthor:%22William+Henry+Breton%22&source=bl&ots=-4uyQRAWgJ&sig=AdtQYCK1zM-kcy3XRVq7YQnlUi8&hl=en&sa=X&ei=Nt4yULiIMcuSiQfx-4HwDg&ved=0CDMQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q&f=false

145^ Book C, Page 18, William Dawes Notebooks. www.williamdawes.org

146^ This may be the earliest recorded use of this term in the colony.

147^ Book B, Page 34, William Dawes Notebooks. www.williamdawes.org

148^ Book C, Page 16, William Dawes Notebooks. www.williamdawes.org

149^ Page 292, Watkin Tench, Sydney’s First Four Years, Library of Australian History, 1979.

150^ Page 31, Joy N. Hughes, The Journal and Letters of Elizabeth Macarthur, 1789-1798, Elizabeth Farm Occasional Series, 1984.

151^ Page 19, Gunson, Neil, Editor, Australian Reminiscences & Papers of L. E. Threlkeld, Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies, 1974

152^ P4-6, James T Ryan, Reminiscences of Australia, 1894, Reprinted 1982

153^ William Dawes wrote “About the middle of September 1791 I was telling Patyegaráng that Wurrgan was a great thief and towards the close of the conversation”, Book B, page 24. I assume that Wurrgan, Wur-gan and Major Worgan were the same man.

154^ Page 356, Collins, David, An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales, Volume I, London 1802, A. H. and A. W. Reed, 1975.

155^ Pages 356-357, Collins, David, An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales, Volume I, London 1802, A. H. and A. W. Reed, 1975.

156^ Pages 406, Collins, David, An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales, Volume I, London 1802, A. H. and A. W. Reed, 1975.

157^ Elizabeth Farm at Rose Hill.

158^ These were probably Aboriginal ceremonial grounds or areas cleared specifically for the hunting of small animals through burning on hot days. In Northern NSW they are known as grasses. It is possible that one of these grounds may have been what the early settlers called the race ground at McGraths Hill.

159^ Elizabeth Macarthur, 1^st September 1795”Page 510, Volume II, Historical Records of New South Wales, Sydney, Government Printer, 1893.

160^ Even the name Addy’s Creek is gone, replaced by Currency Creek.

161^ Page 371, David Collins, An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales, Volume 1, A.H. & A.W. Reed, 1974.

162^ Windsor and Richmond Gazette, 26^th May 1922, http://trove.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/85873590

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