Sydney Gazette, 18th December 1803, trove.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/625933

14^ Milkmaid Reach is now known as Bathurst Reach and is upstream of Wiseman’s Ferry. It indicates that settlement was moving downstream.

15^ Sydney Gazette, 25^th December, 1803, http://newspapers.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/625943

16^ Sydney Gazette, 26^th February, 1804.

17^ Quoll.

18^ An old grey cat, with implications of witchcraft and Satanism.

19^ Sydney Gazette, 11 March 1804.

20^ Land Grants, 1788-1809, Edited by R. J. Ryan, Australian Documents Library Pty Ltd, 1974.

21^ Apparently also known as Nabbin.

22^ Matthew Everingham had a fifty acre farm on the left bank of Sackville Reach. It is crossed by Tizzana Road.

23^ John Howe had a 100 acre farm on the left bank of the Swallow Rock Reach.

24^ Strictly speaking a file is two soldiers, one standing directly behind another. A trooper is a mounted soldier.

25^ Sydney Gazette, 3 June 1804

26^ ‘the Windsor tribe, which was allied with the Liverpool tribe commanded by Cogai’. Page 168-169, Colin Dyer, The French Explorers and the Aboriginal People, 1772-1839, UQP, 2005 quoting from D’Urville’s 1824 Journal.

27^ Major White and Terribandy were killed on 19^th July, 1804.

28^ I have not yet identified I. Phillips.

29^ Sydney Gazette, 17 June 1804

30^ I cannot locate Bingham’s farm. There is no record of a land grant. It may have been a purchase.

31^ Between 1795 and 1804 there were six grants on the Hawkesbury to men with the surname of Smith. Robert Smith, Stephen Smith and William Smith received land grants in 1795. William Smith and John Smith received grants in 1803. Joseph Smith received a grant in 1804. Of these six grants the most likely is that of William Smith who received his grant on 12^th of May, 1803 as part of a group of Portland Head settlers. Parish maps show William Smith as an early settler on Liverpool Reach.

32^ John Locke, An Essay Concerning Human Understanding, Volume 1, 1690, http://www.gutenberg.org/etext/10615

33^ It appears to be drawn from John Millar, The Origin of the Distinction of Ranks, 1771, http://socserv.mcmaster.ca/~econ/ugcm/3ll3/millar/rank, David Hume, Dialogues Concerning Natural Religion, http://www.fullbooks.com/Dialogues-Concerning-Natural-Religion2.html and Thomas Malthus, An Essay on the Principle of Population, 1798, http://www.gutenberg.org/browse/authors/m#a1411.

34^ David Hume, Of National Characters, 1742.

http://www.econlib.org/library/LFBooks/Hume/hmMPL21.html#Part%20I,%20Essay%20XXI,%20OF%20NATIONAL%20CHARACTERS

35^ Charles Montesquieu, From Book XIV. Of Laws in Relation to the Nature of the Climate Spirit of the Laws 1748, http://www.constitution.org/cm/sol.txt

36^ Henry Home, Lord Kames, Sketches of the History of Man, vol. 1 [1778] http://oll.libertyfund.org/index.php?option=com_staticxt&staticfile=show.php&title=2032&search=%22race%22&layout=html.
In making these absurd claims he drew upon Malthus, An Essay on the Principle of Population, 1798, http://www.econlib.org/library/Malthus/malPlong6.html, and David Hume An Inquiry Concerning Human Understanding, http://ebooks.adelaide.edu.au/h/hume/david/h92e/chapter5.html.

37^ This attack appears to have been made by a small party.

38^ These farms were located between what is now Fifth and Sixth Avenues, Llandilo. There is high ground to the north and west of these farms. Working on the archaeological premise that Aboriginal people settled within 100 metres of water, these two farms would have been a significant Koori site. While it is now to late to tell, consideration must also be given as to how isolated these farms were in ascertaining why they were attacked so often.

39^ It would be difficult to estimate numbers in a night time attack. However, if the estimate of 150 is correct it would be highly unlikely that the warriors intended to kill the labourer. That three attacks were made on the farms points to these Aboriginal people viewing the farms as a food source rather than a target to be destroyed. It raises the question, who were these warriors and where were they from?

40^ The implication is that there were two different groups of warriors operating on the Hawkesbury.

41^ Tench’s River is an early name for what became the Nepean River. It may well be that in this particular case it is referring to the Hawkesbury. It is most likely that Tench’s River was used to confuse the authorities in England. The matter is confusing because there was a Joseph Kennedy and James Raworth Kennedy and his son John in the area at this time.

42^ Joseph Kennedy had two farms on the Upper Crescent Reach of the Hawkesbury.

43^ This paragraph well illustrates the response of the settlers to Aboriginal people taking corn, the Koori fear of firearms and nature of European attitudes to Aboriginal people taking food from what they considered to be still their lands.

44^ Drawn from Adam Smith, An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, 1776.

45^ Charles Darwin made similar observations when he passed through Penrith some thirty years later.

46^ This raises the interesting question of why Aboriginal people chose to wear European garments. Part of it may reflect the loss of traditional possum skin cloaks, part of it may reflect Koori attitudes towards Europeans ranging from condescension, contempt, appeasement or even wanting to be just like them. Obviously there was considerable pressure by Europeans to clothe Aboriginal people.

47^ A phrase from Malthus.

48^ Malthus, An Essay on the Principle of Population, 1798, http://www.econlib.org/library/Malthus/malPlong6.html

49^ A phrase used by David Hume in An Inquiry Concerning Human Understanding, http://ebooks.adelaide.edu.au/h/hume/david/h92e/chapter5.html

50^ Sydney Gazette, Sunday, 24^th June 1804

51^ ‘I have frequently had a hundred of both males and females in the farm-yard at a time, and it was my custom to take in the chief and his Gin, and give them their breakfast and a glass of grog. I then told them not to meddle with my corn or melons, for if they did, I should be murry (very) angry with him. He said “Bail bail,'' that is, never fear. The chief then went out, and set up a shout, when all his company came round him, and he gave the order, to which they were as obedient as any party of soldiers I ever saw. He then held up his hand, saying, "Murry, Tat, Tat,'' and pointing in a certain direction, he would acquaint them where the next camp was to be formed, and that they must not touch any thing belonging to the master here, or that he would “Murry pialla''' them, that is, spear them to death. They then ordered their gins to go catch "mograi'' that is, fish, for the mistress.’

Pages 154-155, Memoirs of Joseph Holt, Vol. II, Henry Colburn, London, 1838.

http://www.archive.org/details/memoirsofjosephh02holt

52^ The following extract for the 12^th of April 1816 is from Captain Wallis’s report to Governor Macquarie. “He informed me there were some inoffensive natives on his farm, but were afraid to be seen by me. I assured him I would not molest men of this description, he sent them assurances of this, and they soon made their appearance unarmed. On enquiring their names and looking in the Governor’s list I found two of them were proscribed, Yallaman and Battangalie. I told Mr. Kennedy I must make Prisoners of them. He assured me they were harmless, innocent men, guiltless of any of the recent murders, protected his and Mr Broughtons farm, and that if I took them he must abandon the country,” (Reel 6045; 4/1735 pp.50-62)

53^ According to the account of 17^th of June Major White and Terribandy were killed at the Green Hills. The Gazette of 15^th July, 1804 has them killed at Richmond Hill.

54^ See: http://www.hawkesburyhistory.org.au/articles/Battle_of_Vinegar.html

55^ This account may not be in the words of the settler. The word “shipped” was also used in the Gazette of 11^th of November, 1804, in describing an attack on Gilberthorp on the road between Parramatta and Sydney in which when “he approached to within a couple of hundred paces of their rendezvous, several of the men stepped into the road, and shipped their spears to receive him:” http://newspapers.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/626492

56^ These people may have been a small family group who fled from the approaching soldiers or they left to join Major White.

57^ An interesting word choice that throws much light on the European capacity for self justification.

58^ Marsden’s unsympathetic attitude towards Aboriginal people is illustrated by a letter he wrote in 1826 to the French explorer, D’Urville. It is contained in Part Six of Pondering the Abyss.

59^ The sanctimonious, self-righteousness of the latter part of this report signals the growth of the evangelical movement.

Sydney Gazette, 1^st July, 1804

60^ Again, an interesting phrase given that the colony was only fourteen years old.

61^ This excerpt strongly suggests that Koori raids at his time were driven by the need for food. It could be argued both to gain food and deny it to the settlers. Sydney Gazette, 15^th July, 1804.

62^ One would indeed struggle to find kangaroos in the Blue Mountains. Earlier reports state that they were in search of “pheasants”, probably lyrebirds.

63^ The 1799 trial of five settlers demonstrated quite clearly that while Hoskinson was probably in the wrong place at the wrong time Terribandy had a very real issue with Wimbo who was living with Terribandy’s daughter. Sydney Gazette, 15th of July 1804

64^ Edited by R. J. Ryan, Land Grants, 1788-1809, Australian Documents Library Pty Ltd, 1974.

65^ Edited by R. J. Ryan, Land Grants, 1788-1809, Australian Documents Library Pty Ltd, 1974.

66^ Lord Hobart was the Secretary of State for War and the Colonies.

67^ This sentence is not well written.

68^ Terribandy and Major White.

69^ This would be the Upper or Second Branch, i.e., the Colo River.

70^ The Governor’s discourse reflects contemporary Enlightenment thinking. Aboriginal lifestyles were at the level of brutish savagery. Settlement would progressively raise them to a higher level on the Great Chain of Being. It was also a convenient rationalization for the extermination of the way of life of a people whose land he had stolen.

71^ The word “domesticated” was used in the Gazette on 3rd June, 1804 in the same context. Pages 17-18, HRA, Series 1, Vol. V, The Library Committee of the Commonwealth Parliament, 1915.

72^ Sydney Gazette, Sunday, 16^th September, 1804, http://newspapers.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/626414

73^ William Knight’s farm was not on the Nepean, but Boston’s Reach, now known as Cumberland Reach, on the Hawkesbury.

74^ Sydney Gazette, Sunday, 16^th September, 1804, http://newspapers.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/626411

75^ Sydney Gazette, Sunday, 21^st October, 1804, http://newspapers.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/626463

76^ The Sydney Gazette, of 31^st March, 1805 reported a court case in which one Hawkesbury settler, Dennis McCarthy, successfully sued another, John Kenny for lighting fires that destroyed his haystacks. In his defence Kenny claimed the fires had been lit by Aboriginal people.

Sydney Gazette, Sunday, 11^th November, 1804, http://newspapers.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/626502

77^ Charley was possibly taken at the same time.

78^ ‘At Toongabbie, where the Indian corn was growing, their visits and their depredations were so frequent and extensive, that the watchmen stationed for the protection of the corn-grounds were obliged to fire on them, and one party, considerable in number, after having been driven off, returning directly to the plunder, was pursued by the watchmen for several miles, when a contest ensued, in which the natives were worsted, and three were left dead on the spot. The watchmen had so often come in with accounts of this nature, that, apprehensive lest the present transaction should not be credited, they brought in with them, as a testimonial not to be doubted, the head of one of those whom they had slain. With this witness to support them, they told many wonderful circumstances of the pursuit and subsequent fight, which they stated to have taken place at least fourteen miles from the settlement, and to have been very desperately and obstinately sustained on the part of the natives. It was remarked, however, that not one of the watchmen had received the slightest injury, a circumstance that threw a shade over their story, which, but for the production of the head, would have been altogether disbelieved.’ Page 304, David Collins, An Account of the English Colony in New South Wales, Volume I, A.H. &A.W. Reed, Sydney, 1975.

79^ Samuel Marsden in his evidence to the Bigge Enquiry described attempting to civilise two Aboriginal boys. It is likely that this boy was the second, (Mrs. Marsden’s maiden name was Tristan). James Hardy Vaux thought Tristan was about fourteen in 1807, thus making him about eleven in 1804.

Sydney Gazette, Sunday, 2^nd December, 1804, http://newspapers.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/626527

80^ William Knight

81^ Much the same thing happened after the 1800 trial.

82^ Pages 166-167, The Library Committee of the Commonwealth Parliament, 1915., Series 1, Volume V.

83^ Margaret Catchpole came off the Nile in December 1801. Page 93-96, Laurie, Chater Forth, Margaret Catchpole, Laurie P Forth, 2012.

84^ On the 25^th of July 1833, Mrs. Felton Matthews made a similar observation. “A few weeks since one night’s frost cut off all the tops of my geraniums, and some white lilies we had brought from Brisbane Water which were growing beautifully are I am almost afraid entirely gone. This is irrelevant but I merely mention it to shew the extent of cold, so much increased since the first settling of the Colony, when frost was unknown and the climate believed to be an almost tropical one. All the old inhabitants say it is greatly changed & the frost increasing yearly.” Page 128, Olive Harvard, Mrs Felton Matthew’s Journal, Journal of the Royal Australian Historical Society, Volume 29, 1943.

85^ http://www.sl.nsw.gov.au/discover_collections/history_nation/justice/convict/MargaretCatchpole/catchpole.html

86^ Windsor and Richmond Gazette, 28^th December 1895, http://trove.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/66448805

87^ This was probably Charley.

88^ Page 47, David Mann, The Present Picture of New South Wales 1811, Royal Australian Historical Society, 1979

89^ This description is on page 61 of Colin Dyer’s The French Explorers and the Aboriginal Australians, UQP, 2007 and taken from Peron, François and Freycinet, Louis, Voyage de découvertesaux terres australes. Historique, 2 volumes, Paris 1807 and 1816. Vol. I, page 477. The use of the word mimic is telling. Aboriginal people conversed with the settlers in English. When Lancelot Threlkeld came to Sydney in 1817 he noted that no settler knew a Koori language.

90^ http://www.sl.nsw.gov.au/events/exhibitions/2010/mari_nawi/docs/marinawi_captions.pdf

91^ Page 348, Niel Gunson, Australian Reminiscences and Papers of L. E. Threlkeld, Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies, 1974.

92^ Sydney Gazette, 13^th January 1805

93^ As noted elsewhere some white people were accepted into Aboriginal society in the belief that they were reincarnations of Aboriginal people who had died. It was possible that Aboriginal people thought that the difficulties white people experienced in adjusting were probably due to the process going awry for some reason. On page 222, the Reverend David MacKenzie, The Emigrant's Friend, London, 1845, recorded: “Many of them believe that after death they will "jump up white fellows:" and they confidently assert, that among the white Europeans here, they recognise several of their friends and relations.” http://archive.org/stream/emigrantsguideor00mackrich#page/222/mode/2up

94^ Sydney Gazette, 20^th January, 1805, http://newspapers.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/626595

95^ Sydney Gazette, Sunday, 3^rd February 1805, http://trove.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/626610

96^ Sydney Gazette, Sunday, 17^th February, 1805, http://newspapers.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/626633

97^ Hawkesbury.

98^ Sydney Gazette, Sunday, 24^th March, 1805, http://newspapers.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/626689

99^ Sydney Gazette, Sunday, 7^th April, 1805, http://newspapers.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/626711 My thanks to Dr. Geoff E. Ford for correcting the weight of the eels.

100^ Sydney Gazette, Sunday, 12^th August 1804, trove.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/626354

101^ Page 24, Lachlan Macquarie, Journal of his tours in New South Wales and Van Diemen’s Land 1810-1822, Library of Australian History, Sydney, 1979.

102^ Michelle Nichols has transcribed the reference from A Geographical Dictionary or Gazetteer of the Australian Colonies 1848 by William Henry Wells p. 356 (facsimile ed pub. 1970), http://www.hawkesbury.net.au/lists/1848Richmond.html

103^ Pages 106-107, S. Boughton (Cooramill), Reminiscences of Richmond From the Forties Down, Cathy McHardy, 2010.

104^ A list of “The Names of Children of the Aborigines received into the Native Institution Parramatta, since its foundation, 10 Jan^y. 1814” identified Maria, who came into the Native Institution on the 28^th of December 1814 and lists her “supposed age” as 13 which indicates that she was born around 1807/08. There are two Native Institution rolls of attendance made c. 1821. I have seen a transcript of the first on Page 89, J. Brooks and J.L. Cohen, The Parramatta Native Institute and the Black Town, University of New South Wales Press, 1991, and a photocopy of the second on http://darugweavers.tripod.com/ourblackandwhitefamily/id2.html. and page 238, Ed., Malcolm R. Sainty and Keith A, Johnson, Census of 1828, Library of Australian History, 1985, which gives her age as 20.

105^ I have not yet sighted the original death certificate, however, I have seen the information in several sources. The information is readily available from http://darugweavers.tripod.com/ourblackandwhitefamily/id40.html

106^ Page 172, Ed. R.J. Ryan, Land Grants1788-1809, Australian Documents Library Pty. Ltd., Sydney, 1981.

107^ Pages 159-161, Historical Records of Australia, Series 1, Volume 5, The Library Committee of the Commonwealth Parliament, 1915.

108^ http://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/luttrell-edward-2381

109^ Page 541, Historical Records of Australia, Series 1, Volume 5, The Library Committee of the Commonwealth Parliament, 1915.

110^ http://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/luttrell-edward-2381 and Page 556, Historical Records of Australia, Series 1, Volume 7, The Library Committee of the Commonwealth Parliament, 1915.

111^ Page 786, Historical Records of Australia, Series 1, Volume 7, The Library Committee of the Commonwealth Parliament, 1915.

112^ Pages 787, Historical Records of Australia, Series 1, Volume 7, The Library Committee of the Commonwealth Parliament, 1915.

113^ The Colonist, 29^th December, 1838, http://trove.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/31722278

114^ Page 95, James Kohen, The Darug and Their Neighbours, Darug Link in association with Blacktown and District Historical Society, 1993. Original source: AONSW, Reel 1153, Vol. 2/7908.

115^ Sydney Gazette, Sunday, 7^th April, 1805, http://newspapers.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/626711

116^ Maugre is an obsolete word meaning notwithstanding

117^ Sydney Gazette, Sunday, 7^th April, 1805, http://newspapers.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/6267112

118^ Page 164-167, Keith Vincent Smith, Mari Nawi, Aboriginal Oddessys, Rosenberg, 2010.

119^ “The native Jack who went in the Nancy as servant to Mr. Demaria, and from whose infidelity Mr. Demaria suspected he had lost his wearing apparel, came in on Tuesday last, with every article safe and in the condition he brought them from the wreck”. Sydney Gazette, Sunday, 12^th May, 1805.

120^ seal skins.

121^ Sydney Gazette, Sunday, 5^th May, 1805.

122^ Llewellen’s farm was on the Lower Half Moon Reach.

123^ This raises the interesting question of how the settlers and Aboriginal people communicated. It suggests that there was considerable interaction between the two. From other sources it appears that English was the medium.

124^ Both Llewellen and Adlam were ex NSW Corps soldiers who had been granted their land on 11^th August, 1804. Adlam’s farm was on the Upper Half Moon Reach. For further information see http://72.14.203.104/search?q=cache:UNYqmK9rsucJ:www.hawkesbury.net.au/cemetery/half_moon_farm/history.pdf+Smith+%2B+Hawkesbury+%2B+farm+%2B+Aboriginal&hl=en&gl=au&ct=clnk&cd=10&lr=lang_en

125^ The British dead at the Battle of Islandlwana in 1879 were mutilated by the Zulus to prevent them coming back in the next life to kill Zulus. Aboriginal warriors may well have observed similar customs.

126^ Thomas Brown.

127^ unbreakable.

128^ provocation?

129^ Sydney Gazette, Sunday, 21^st April 1805.

130^ The term “General orders” appears to have a military origin. Essentially the “General orders” established martial law for their duration.

131^ Sydney Gazette, Sunday, 28^th April, 1805, http://newspapers.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/626739

132^ Possibly South Creek.

133^ Sydney Gazette, Sunday, 28^th April, 1805, http://newspapers.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/626742

Matthew Kearn bought Obadieh Aiken’s old farm in 1806. Matthew was executed for murder in 1813. The farm was still known as “Kearn’s retreat” when rented by the Lewis’. Mrs. Lewis and an assigned servant were killed there in 1816.

134^ Erebus was the god of darkness and Nox or Nyx was his wife. The etymology of nocturnal can be traced to Nox.

135^ Sydney Gazette, Sunday, 28^th April, 1805, http://newspapers.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/626742

136^ Note 88, HRA, Series 1, Volume V, The Library Committee of the Commonwealth Parliament, 1915.

‘* The order, dated 28th April, 1805, was as follows:-

"Whereas the Natives in different parts of the Out-Settlements have in an unprovoked and inexcusable manner lately committed the most brutal Murder on some defenceless Settlers whose hospitality appears to have drawn upon them the most barbarous treatment, and there being but little hopes of the Murderers being given up to Justice, the Governor has judged it necessary, for the preservation of the lives and properties of the Out-Settlers and Stockmen, to distribute Detachments from the New South Wales Corps among the Out-Settlements for their protection against those uncivilised Insurgents; but, as those measures alone will only be a present check, it is hereby required and ordered that no Natives be suffered to approach the Grounds or Dwellings of any Settler until the Murderers are given up; and that this Order may be carried into full effect, the Settlers are required to assist each other in repelling those Visits; and if any Settler, contrary to the purport and intent of this Order, harbours any Natives, he will be prosecuted for the breach of a Public Order intended for the Security of the Settlers.’

Note 88, Page 821, HRA, Series 1, Volume V, The Library Committee of the Commonwealth Parliament, 1915.

137^ ‘^† The Colo River was known as the Upper Branch and the Macdonald River was the Lower Branch. The trouble with the natives was experienced chiefly by the settlers between Portland Head and the Colo River.’

Note 90, Page 821, HRA, Series 1, Volume V, The Library Committee of the Commonwealth Parliament, 1915.

138^ Note 89, page 821 HRA, Series 1, Vol. V, The Library Committee of the Commonwealth Parliament, 1915.

^‘* The letter by the Lady Barlow, referred to by Governor King was dated 20th December, 1804 (see page 165 et seq.), the passage relating the natives being on page 166. Note 89, Page 821, HRA, Series 1, Volume V, The Library Committee of the Commonwealth Parliament, 1915.

Being anxious to ascertain what number of people could be fixed on the lower part of the Hawkesbury and its branches, I directed the acting surveyor to make an accurate survey of the river from Portland Head to the entrance of Mullett Island. Broken Bay had been most accurately surveyed by Governor Hunter; but as the Hawkesbury River was only an eye sketch, it directions are in many places corrected by the late survey. Very small portions on the different points could be cultivated to any advantage, seldom exceeding spaces of 30 or 40 acres, bounded by inaccessible rocks. However, from an occurrence that happened shortly after the surveyor’s departure I should have deferred making any more settlements down that river.
One of the settlers recently fix’d below Portland Head, who was much annoyed by the natives in June last, delivered me a memorial, said to be signed by all the settlers in that district, requesting they might be allowed to shoot the natives frequenting their grounds, who had threatened to fire their wheat when ripe. On further inquiry I found that none of the settlers had authorized this man to put their signatures to the paper, and that his fears of what might be had operated with him more forcibly than any present or future probability of the natives again being inimical to him or his neighbours. As the imposition could not pass by unnoticed, he was sentenced by the magistrates to a month’s confinement in the jail; but in consideration of his property being likely to suffer he was released after a few days’ confinement. Wishing to be convinced myself what cause there was for these alarms, three of the natives from that part of the river readily came on being sent for. On questioning the cause of their disagreement with the new settlers they very ingenuously answered that they did not like to be driven from the few places that were left of the banks of the river where alone they could procure food; that they had gone down the river as the white men took possession of the banks; if they went across white men’s grounds the settlers fired upon them and were angry; and if they could retain some places on the lower part of the river they should be satisfied and would not trouble the white men. The observation and request appear to be so just and so equitable that I assured them no more settlements should be made lower down the river. With that assurance they appeared well satisfied and promised to be quiet, in which state they continue.’ Governor King to Lord Hobart,

Pages 166-167, HRA, Series 1, Volume V, The Library Committee of the Commonwealth Parliament, 1915.

139^ Pages 306-07 and 821, HRA, Series 1, Volume V, The Library Committee of the Commonwealth Parliament, 1915

140^ John Kennedy was the nephew of Hamilton Hume’s mother, Elizabeth. He settled the Appin district in 1814.

141^ Tedbury.

142^ John Warby (c.1767 - 1851), a convict, was granted 50 acres of land close to Prospect Creek at the foot of Prospect Hill in 1792. In 1802 he accompanied Ensign Barrallier in his attempt to find a route across the Blue Mountains; and later, in 1806, he assisted the naturalist George Caley in his endeavours to retrace Barrallier's route. On 22 July 1814, Macquarie authorised Warby and John Jackson to lead an armed party of twelve Europeans and four native guides to track down and capture five Aboriginal men who had been identified as responsible for a recent series of attacks on white settlers (Goondel (chief of the Gandangarra tribe), Bottagallie, Murrah, Yellamun, and Wallah). The party returned without making contact. Three months later, in September 1814, Warby and several native trackers assisted a party of soldiers sent in pursuit of the bushranger Patrick Collins, who had been robbing and murdering settlers in the Hawkesbury area. They led the soldiers to Collins' hiding place and when Collins tried to escape the Koori trackers speared him in the leg and arm - he was overpowered and brought to trial in Sydney.
Although instructed to assist the party of soldiers, under the command of Captain Wallis sent out in April 1816, to take prisoner any natives that they met, Warby refused to assist. The native guides, Boodbury and Bundell, absconded when they discovered the purpose of the expedition, and Warby absented himself from the party soon after - fearing that it would compromise his credibility and favourable relationship with the tribes of the Sydney region. http://www.lib.mq.edu.au/all/journeys/people/profiles/warby.html
On 20^th June 1816 Macquarie granted Warby 260 acres of fertile land in the district of Airds (on the site of present day Campbelltown). References to Warby can be found in the Sydney Gazette :21st September 1806; 24th September 1814; and 11th May 1816.

143^,In the HRA 8th,July 1805 his name is spelt Talloon.

144^ Keith Vincent Smith has identified Corriangee, Corriangii, Karingy, Kurringy Kurrigan, Carbone Jack, Cobbon Jack, Captain and Black Captain as being the same person and a Hawkesbury man. Page 166, Keith Vincent Smith, Mari Nawi, Aboriginal Oddessys, Rosenberg, 2010. If this is correct then it is possible that he was the father of Narrang Jack, i.e., Little Jack.
Reading through the filters of time and prejudice the following excerpts from Louisa Atkins’ Recollections of the Aborigines reveals much of the complexity of the interaction of Aboriginal people and settlers.
‘Their names were frequently give in reference to some peculiarity of their birthplace - that place being their inheritance; thus a man named Philip was called by his tribe Burrengumbie, having been born at and inherited a place of that name, so called from the cliffs (Philip may have been Musquito’s brother). A man named Cobbon Jack, i.e. Big Jack, had a son which received the diminutive of Jackey Nerang (little or the less). This man's gin was given to the practice of infanticide, which he objected to, and requested a lady to adopt his son should he die, and leave it to the heartless Jinny's care. She promised to do so, and inquired by what name the child should call her, "nowar," (mother)? queried Cobbon; on her assenting and repeating the word, he manifested great delight; little Jackey was henceforth called Garrida, from his birthplace; the blacks explaining that he was going to be gentleman now, implying that a name emanating from landed possessions carried rank with it, as the Scotch lairds were called by the names of their estates.

…

The wife of Cobbon Jack, already alluded to, used to live at a farm-house as domestic servant, for weeks at a time, and could cook and wash, and she was said to be a very proficient laundress; she dressed neatly, was clean and useful, but would tire of settled occupations, and return to her tribe and husband.’

SydneyMorning Herald, 25^th September 1863, http://trove.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/13094036

145^ The author of this article is completely wrong regarding his claim that the five named warriors were “accused by their own tribe”. The “tribe” were Bidjigal people. The men that they nominated as the killers were not Bidjigal. “Talboon, Corriangee and Doollonn”, were probably from somewhere on the Hawkesbury. “Moonaning” and “Doongial” were from the Colo River and “Boon-du-dullock” from Richmond Hill. Given the links between the Hawkesbury and Liverpool mobs it is entirely possible that these men were the killers. The Bidjigal warrior who volunteered to act as a guide in hunting these men was Tedbury, a Bidjigal man. While the Bidjigal were genuinely seeking peace they were doing so at the expense of their former allies. Sydney Gazette, Sunday 5^th May, 1805.

146^ Sydney Gazette, Sunday, 5^th May, 1805.

147^ Pages 96-100, Cooramill, Reminiscences of Richmond From the Forties Down, Cathy McHardy, 2010.

148^ Sydney Gazette, Sunday 5^th May, 1805, http://newspapers.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/correction/626753

149^ This is an important insight into the European domination of Aboriginal lands. Aboriginal people were denied access to what had been previously theirs.

150^ 7^th May, 1805

151^ Avoiding the flock men was probably deliberate on the part of the Aboriginal people.

152^ 8^th May, 1805

153^ Isaac Nicholls was also a ship owner. As Aboriginal men from the Hawkesbury frequently crewed coastal vessels, this attack may have had more to do with shipping than farming. Sydney Gazette, Sunday 20^th January 1805. If Tedbury was in the party it is possible that there was a connection with the death of Pemulwuy who was killed in the vicinity of Concord.

154^ This would be Andrew Thompson, the Chief Constable.

155^ That Yaragowhy was wearing the clothes of men that he had killed raises two important points. Firstly the clothes possibly belonged to Llewellen or Adlam, pointing to the possible involvement of Yaragowhy in those attacks. Secondly, as Yaragowhy was unlikely to have been wearing the clothes because he was cold, it was probable that he was wearing them as a trophy or for a spiritual purpose to do with the killed men. Destroying the material possessions of the dead was an important part of ensuring the release of the spirit to complete the process of reincarnation. Holding onto the clothes would prevent this. The mutilation and scattering of the remains of Adlam and his servant pointed to a similar determination. It is strange that the settlers were apparently able to maintain the advantage of surprise if Yaragowhy had gone ahead to warn the Aboriginal people of an impending attack.

156^ While this at first seems an unlikely figure, it is entirely possible. The destruction of these killing spears would have severely limited any future Aboriginal attacks.

157^ The description of the geographic features suggests that the location of this incident may have been around where the Springwood Road begins its ascent of the Blue Mountains at Shaws Creek. This opinion is based upon the presence in this area of: a river crossing; a major work site, several intersecting environments offering a range of food sources, a rock shelter; rock carving; and an ancient Aboriginal path ascending the escarpment.

158^ I suspect this refers to the Parramatta River.

159^ i.e., the district constable was the victim of an attack.

160^ 8^th May 1805.

161^ i.e., half way between Parramatta and Sydney. On page 203, D.G. Bowd, Hawkesbury Journey, Library of Australian History, 1994, writes that the licence for the Half Way House was granted to Edward Powell in 1809. The following recollection by James Hassall, born at Parramatta in 1823, took place on Christmas Day 1827. ‘One of my first recollections is driving from Parramatta to Sydney with my father, over seventy years ago, and I retain a clear remembrance of the latter town as it was at that time. We travelled the road from Parramatta without seeing a house except the half-way inn at Homebush …’ James Hassall, In Old Australia Records and Reminiscences from 1794, Originally printed 1902, Facsimile reprint, Library of Australian History, 1977.

162^ Sydney Gazette, Sunday, 12^th May 1805

163^ 13^th May 1805

164^ This incident supports my contention that Aboriginal people wanted dogs from the settlers to guard their camps against surprise attacks. Killing the dogs to prevent them warning of the approach of Europeans would be an important tactic in surprising Koori camps.

165^ I think this sentence is saying that Tedbury was one of the two guides from Prospect who volunteered to hunt down the killers of the stockmen and that he admitted to being one of the killers of the stockmen. One can only contemplate the manner in which he was “brought over”. Perhaps the following may give some clue as to Marsden’s persuasion skills. “There was a story told, and well known to be a fact, that Mr. Marsden once called at a farm on the Hawkesbury River, and enquired how the wife, whom he had to her husband out of the factory was getting on. The poor husband said she was “no good.” Would not work or do anything for him; whereupon Mr. Marsden took his gig whip and laid it about her shoulders, and told her that, if she did not behave better, when he next came that way he would have her returned to the factory.”

Page 12, James S. Hassall, In Old Australia, Records and Reminiscences from 1794, Originally printed 1902, Facsimile edition 1977.

Magistrates Marsden and Atkins had some involvement in the punishment of Paddy Galvin, a young Irish convict who on the 30^th of September 1800 received 300 lashes, one hundred each across shoulders, buttocks and calves in a futile endeavour to make him reveal the location of hidden pikes. A few days later Marsden ordered that Gavin be sent to work in the cyane pepper mill. Pages 74-75, Bill Wannan, Early Colonial Scandals, Lansdowne, 1962 and http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Samuel_Marsden.

166^ As in the previous footnote, one must contemplate what the means of prevailing upon Tedbury were. Judge Advocate Atkins was at that time enquiring into the issue of Koori evidence in court.

167^ In 1826, Samuel Marsden, in a letter to Captain d’Urville recounted knowing Mosquito on the Hawkesbury around 1805. The name “Bush Muschetta” serves to distinguish this man from Botany Bay Mosquito who died as a result of ritual combat in January 1806. While the name “Bush Muschetta” is frequently rendered as Mosquito, Howe’s spelling “Muschetta” suggests that this man may have used the English word, “musket” to identify himself to the settlers. While the etymology of musket is unclear, it was not uncommon for French firearms to be named after animals, in this case, mousquette, the male sparrow hawk. The Italian word moschetto, meaning little fly, is also relevant because the shape of the bolt of the musket resembled a little fly. In using the word Muschetta Howe demonstrated his awareness of these differences in meaning. It would not have required much effort to diminish Muschetta to Mosquito, particularly as the Gazette uses the spelling musquet for the weapon which is now spelt as musket. Apart from articulating the worst fear of the settlers, i.e., musket armed Aboriginal warriors, Bush Muschetta may have used the English word musket to give a sense of what his name meant, i.e., possibly something to do with fire, lightning or thunder. Muschetta’s “good English” came from his contact with Europeans, including Marsden, in his youth on the Hawkesbury. See musket in Chambers online etymological dictionary. http://books.google.com.au/books?id=kf8n2v9ZjxIC&pg=PA334&lpg=PA334&dq=Muschetta+%2B+ &source=bl&ots=xWrdwE8LIq&sig=sQ_1CZWrhsK4XTPgjtWGJqZluz4&hl=en&ei=xE9FTKzEIIzvcKvd1N0P&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=1&ved=0CBMQ6AEwADgK#v=onepage&q=Muschetta%20%2B%20musquito&f=false.
There is considerable misinformation about Musquito. Keith Windschuttle, confused Botany Bay Musquito (d.1806) with the Musquito sent to Norfolk Island in 1805 (http://www.historycooperative.org/journals/lab/87/windschuttle.html). Keith Wiley, When the Sky Fell Down, 1979, repeated allegations made by the Reverend William Horton that Musquito had been turned in because he had raped Aboriginal women in the Hawkesbury. Apart from a lack of evidence such an allegation is ridiculous as Musquito would have been ritually speared rather than turned over to the authorities. The Reader interested in Musquito’s later life in Tasmania should consult the Australian Dictionary of Biography entry written by Naomi Parry, http://adbonline.anu.edu.au/biogs/AS10366b.htm. On the 17th of August, 1814, Thomas Campbell, the colonial Secretary wrote to Lieutenant Governor Davey; informing him that Governor Macquarie had given permission for Phillip, Musquito’s brother to bring Mosquito home. Colonial Secretaries’ Index, AONSW, Reel, 6004, page 251. Davey did not return Mosquito. Ironically Musquito was captured in 1824 after being shot by Teague, who had been raised by Dr. Luttrell and who accompanied him when he moved to Tasmania. Teague and Musquito probably knew each other on the Hawkesbury. “Teague was reared from a child in the family of Dr. Luttrell. Colonel Arthur promised him a whale boat and several other rewards for this service; but poor Teague never got his boat – the disappointment affected him most seriously, and he fretted himself to death in consequence.” Page 31, Henry Saxelby Melville, The History of the Island of Van Diemen’s Land 1824-1835, 1835, http://books.google.com.au/books?id=nJhHgYOJH3MC&pg=PA31&lpg=PA31&dq=Teague+%2B+Luttrell+%2B+Musquito&source=bl&ots=Y548VEaBzx&sig=zO1NwzZBmG9u4-EyclzF8vI9b-w&hl=en&sa=X&ei=8XKuUdfmJ-TIiAe6jIHoBA&ved=0CD8Q6AEwAw#v=onepage&q=Teague%20%2B%20Luttrell%20%2B%20Musquito&f=false

168^ Sydney Gazette, 19^th May 1805.

169^ 14^th May 1805.

170^ Given that Major Johnston’s party was credited with the killing of Talloon and Warby was in the Hawkesbury at the same time as Major Johnston it is possible that the man killed by the Koori guide was Talloon. The guide with the musket was probably one of those who guided Andrew Thompson’s attack. It is possible that he was Colebee, son of Yellomundee. Whether the killing was voluntary or forced is a moot point.

Sydney Gazette, 19th May, 1805

171^ According to the Sydney Gazette of 16^th September 1804, Jerusalem “lies about six or seven miles from Parramatta, towards the Northern Rocks.” In the valley, “encompassed by stupendous rocks” were “caverns open to the uncloath’d tribe, whose far recess forbids the approach of rude and chilling winds”. Darling Mills Creek in the Bidjigal Reserve is about that distance from Parramatta.

172^ Sydney Gazette, 19^th May 1805.

173^ South Creek.

174^ Pages 627 & 628, HRNSW, Vol. V, Sydney, Government Printer, 1897.

175^ Page 478, HRA, Series 1, Volume V, The Library Committee of the Commonwealth Parliament, 1915.

176^ Page 637, HRNSW, Volume V, Sydney, Government Printer, 1897.

177^ This would have been Andrew Thompson’s party.

178^ Sydney Gazette, Sunday, 26^th May 1806, http://newspapers.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/626791

179^ William Freame in the Windsor and Richmond Gazette, 30^th November 1917, trawled the pages of the Sydney Gazette to perpetuate an inaccurate concoction of fear mongering based on this incident. There is no real evidence to suggest that the natives assembled in great numbers in the vicinity of Portland Head to burn the farms of Cuddy, Lamb and Yeouler. Cuddy’s farm was on South Creek, not Portland Head. The farms of Lamb and Yeouler were burnt by a small Koori girl who had been taken by the Lambs. “In the 'Sydney Gazette' of 2nd June, 1805, we read of the destruction by the blacks of the farm of Mr. Henry Lamb, at Portland Head. In the same issue of the 'Sydney Gazette' is the account of the accidental death of 'a most respectable pioneer,' Mr. William Stubbs, who was drowned in the river. During the same month of June, 1805, evidently a black month with the Hawkesbury River pioneers, the natives assembled in great numbers in the vicinity of Portland Head, and made an alarming demonstration near Cuddy's farm, the small homestead being menaced by a sudden and determined attack, and it was not until attempts had been made to bum the dwelling down that the natives were driven off, after having severely damaged the farm. A few days after they turned up again; this time the small farm of Abraham Yeouler was their objective. There again they did considerable damage; fences were burnt down, crops destroyed, and the whites driven to secure the shelter afforded by their slab hut, which was only preserved from destruction with extreme difficulty. Had it not been a wet season, the white population would most probably have been all burnt out of this locality. We read of occasional demonstrations and depredations by the blacks, in various parts of the Hawkesbury districts, but none so determined as those made on the white settlers during 1805-6.”

180

George Reeve continued the misinformation in the Windsor and Richmond Gazette, 18th January 1924, reprinting the Sydney Gazette’s 2^nd June 1805 account of the burning of Henry Lamb’s hut. In the following issue, 1^st February 1924, he returned to the theme. “The ridge of rocks where the natives descended and terrified the people 124 years ago is still to be seen. I mention these facts for accurate historical data for the future generations.” In the 4^th of February 1927 edition, celebrating the 118^th anniversary of the Ebenezer church the Sydney Gazette article on the attack on Lamb’s farm was reprinted, despite Lamb’s farm being across the river. In the 29^th of April 1927 edition of the Windsor and Richmond Gazette George Reeve returned to the theme and added a second attack in 1808 for which I have found no substantiation. “The surrounding ridge near the old "Lamb" homestead is indeed a very historic place as being the exact site of two furious onslaughts made on the house and women and children inmates of the Lamb family by the Maroota Blacks (Aboriginals) during the year 1805, and again in the year 1808.” Ronald Macquarie Arndell, author of Pioneers of Portland Head, repeated the Sydney Gazette’s, 2^nd June 1805 account of the burning of the Lamb farm in a 1964 address to the Presbyterian Historical Society. The Ebenezer Church Newsletter, No. 18 April 2015 reprinted Arndell’s address in its entirety.

^ Sydney Gazette, Sunday, 2^nd June 1805, http://trove.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/626797 .

181^ On the right bank of Upper Crescent Reach.

182^ Sydney Gazette, Sunday, 2^nd June, 1805, http://newspapers.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/626793

183^ Sydney Gazette, Sunday, 9^th June, 1805, http://newspapers.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/626809

184^ Sydney Gazette, Sunday, 9^th June, 1805, http://newspapers.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/626809

185^ Sydney Gazette, Sunday, 9^th June 1805, http://trove.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/626816/6132

186^ i.e., 9^th June, 1805.

187^ As yet I can find no record of Cuddie and Crumby moving to Portland Head. I think the Sydney Gazette is wrong in this matter. I am of the opinion that Cuddie and Crumby were still on South Creek. The Sydney Gazette of 17 March 1810 carried an advertisement for the sale of a farm adjacent to Crumby’s farm on the west bank of South Creek. While the Parish maps show William Cuddy as being the landholder, the registry of Births, Deaths and Marriages has no record of William Cuddy, but a record of the death of William Cuddie in 1821, aged 67.

188^ Italian in origin, the word means outlaw. The use of this description suggests that the Europeans thought Aboriginal people who carried out these attacks were outside the law, and by implication whatever protection that the law offers to combatants.

189^ The space prior to Crumbie probably relates to Crumby’s first name, Robert. The Parish Map and Muster Book refer to Robert Crumby, not Crumbie. Sydney Gazette, 16^th June 1805

190^ i.e., the 15^th of June, 1805.

191^ Boston’s Reach is now known as Cumberland Reach.

192^ Sydney Gazette, Sunday, 23^rd June 1805, http://newspapers.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/626831

193^ Sydney Gazette, Sunday, 30^th June, 1805, http://newspapers.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/626838

194^ Pages 156-7, Bobbie Hardy, Early Australian Settlers, Kangaroo Press Kenthurst, 1985 and http://australianroyalty.net.au/individual.php?pid=I52464&ged=purnellmccord.ged

195^ Henry Lamb had been given a land grant at Lane Cove when he came to the colony as a NSW Corps soldier in 1794. It is logical to assume that he acquired the child, then probably an infant of two, at this time. Whether the mother died of famine in the woods or was killed by settlers is open to conjecture.

196^ Abraham Yeouler at Portland Head.

197^ It is worth considering whether the girl’s actions – if indeed she was responsible for the fires - was the result of:

• 
  her own natural “unparalleled depravity, perfidy and ingratitude”,
  
• 
  the instigation of the older Koori boy, or
  
• 
  abuse.
  

Consideration has to be given to the fact that Elizabeth Chambers, Henry Lamb’s partner had set fire to her master’s house in 1791 to cover her thefts.

198^ Sydney Gazette, Sunday, 7^th July, 1805, http://trove.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/626845/6142

199^The capture of the unknown nine Aboriginal people and the subsequent capture of Bush Muschetta and Bulldog appear to have brought hostilities to an end.

200^ Sydney Gazette, Sunday, 7^th July, 1805, http://newspapers.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/626844

201^ The settlers were Llewellen and Adlam. The two stockmen were Macarthur’s. The Governor made no mention of Adlam’s convict servant who was also killed. I assume that the Governor was referring to Bush Muschetta and Tedbury who were both in prison at this time. Tedbury was involved in the killing of the stockmen. However, the Governor’s assurance that there was no doubt as to their guilt is somewhat problematical in the case of Bush Muschetta, as Branch Jack had been named as the killer of Llewellen and Adlam.

202^ Bulldog and Musquito.

203^ Page 497, HRA, Series 1, Vol. 5, The Library Committee of the Commonwealth Parliament, 1915.

204^ The following extract from Lord Hobart’s despatch to Governor King relates to the 1799 trial.

‘I have perused with great attention the reports transmitted by Governor Hunter of the trials of these persons, and on a full consideration of the circumstances attending those trials, and of the difference of opinion which prevailed amongst the members who composed the Court, as well as of the length of time that has elapsed since their several sentences were passed upon them, I have ventured to recommend them as proper objects of His Majesty's mercy, and I have in consequence received His Majesty's commands to direct you to grant pardons to each of those persons respectively for the offences of which they were convicted before the Court to which I allude, annexing to those pardons such conditions as you shall think most adequate to the due attainment of the ends of justice.

Before I dismiss this subject, I cannot help lamenting that the wise and humane instructions of my predecessors, relative to the necessity of cultivating the good-will of the natives, do not appear to have been observed in earlier periods of the establishment of the colony with an attention corresponding to the importance of the object. The evils resulting from this neglect seem to be now sensibly experienced, and the difficulty of restoring confidence with the natives, alarmed and exasperated by the unjustifiable injuries they have too often experienced, will require all the attention which your active vigilance and humanity can bestow upon a subject so important in itself, and so essential to the prosperity of the settlement, and I should hope that you may be able to convince those under your Government that it will be only by observing uniformly a great degree of forbearance and plain, honest dealing with the natives, that they can hope to relieve themselves from their present dangerous embarrassment.
It should at the same time be clearly understood that on future occasions, any instance of injustice or wanton cruelty towards the natives will be punished with the utmost severity of the law.’

Pages 366-7, HRA, Series 1, Vol. II, The Library Committee of the Commonwealth Parliament, 1914.

205 In 1803 James Dunne was granted 60 acres on the right bank of river at Portland Reach, beside Chaseling (Chaseland). Questions were asked when he wounded an Aborigine, but his servant, Richard Morgan, and Henry Lamb defended his right to defend his land against common depredators. Dunne escaped the house burnings of 1805.

Page 654, HRNSW, Vol 5, Sydney, Government Printer, 1897.

Page 106, Hardy, Bobby, Early Hawkesbury Settlers, Kangaroo Press, 1985.

206^ Pages 502-504, HRA. Series 1, Vol V, The Library Committee of the Commonwealth Parliament, 1915.

207^ Sydney Gazette, 4^th August 1805, http://newspapers.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/626869

208^ Sydney Gazette, Sunday, 11^th August, 1805, http://newspapers.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/626872

209^ Branch Jack reappeared in the written record 1816, as one of the guides. Sydney Gazette, Sunday, 8^th September, 1805, http://newspapers.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/626904

210^ An index card in the Jeannie Scott collection at Windsor Library identifies the boat as belonging to James Webb. The source is identified as page 26, Swancot, Ref. King Papers.

211^ Sydney Gazette, Sunday 15^th September, 1805, http://newspapers.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/626907

212^ His farm was between Sussex and Cambridge Reaches. Page 88, Valerie Ross, Hawkesbury Story, Library of Australian History, 1989.

213^ Sydney Gazette, Sunday 8^th December, 1805. http://trove.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/626980

214^ A small sailing vessel of unknown provenance.

215^ Sydney Gazette, 22^nd December 1805.

216^ Sydney Gazette, Sunday, 19^th January, 1806, http://newspapers.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/627010

217^ Governor King’s dispatch to Earl Camden of 20^th July, 1805

218^ Page 42, HRNSW, Volume 6, Sydney, Government Printer, 1898.

219^ Page 753, HRA, Volume V, The Library Committee of the Commonwealth Parliament, 1915.

220^ Sydney Gazette, Sunday 27 July, 1806, http://newspapers.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/627228

221^ Page 134, Laurie, Chater Forth, Margaret Catchpole, Laurie P Forth, 2012.

222^ Mitchell Library, King Papers, 2 C/189.

223^ Macarthur papers. Miscellaneous. A4360, CY2378. Mitchell Library.

224^ Sydney Gazette, 21^st August, 1808 , http://newspapers.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/627570

225^ Calipee is the cartilage of the turtle and an important ingredient in turtle soup.

226^ Probably George Caley, Bank’s naturalist. Sydney Gazette

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