VI. Conclusion
Judge Learned Hand once famously wrote that “the First Amendment . . . presupposes that right conclusions are more likely to be gathered out of a multitude of tongues, than through any kind of authoritative selection. To many this is, and always will be, folly; but we have staked upon it our all.”243 As Judge Hand recognized, democracy rests on our faith in citizens’ ability to decide for themselves where truth lies in public discourse. This same faith underlies the Supreme Court’s recognition of a First Amendment right to speak anonymously. The Court’s anonymous speech decisions manifest a faith, albeit one that wavers at times, in citizens’ ability to discount anonymous information and protect themselves from its harms, at least in most cases. This faith is being challenged by the Internet-fuelled growth of anonymous speech. Legislators increasingly seek to curb anonymous speech in the name of protecting citizens from harm, and courts increasingly must adjudicate tort claims against anonymous speakers. Both legislatures and courts need guidance in dealing with these issues that the Supreme Court has failed to provide.
This Article provides that guidance. We provide a positive analysis of the motivations, both good and bad, of anonymous speakers. Our positive analysis is supported by recent scholarship on the trademark function of authorship, which we use to show how audiences infer the motivations of authors and thereby decode anonymous speech. Even so, our positive analysis fails to show that anonymous speech, on balance, produces more social good than social harm.
We therefore turn to First Amendment jurisprudence and democratic theory to provide a normative basis for protecting anonymous speech and to provide guidance on how to balance it against other important rights. These sources largely forbid paternalistic regulation of anonymous speech concerning matters at the core of the First Amendment, and they suggest that the first line of defense against the threat posed by anonymous speech is audience “self-help.”
Ultimately, therefore, we caution legislators against passing legislation compelling authors to disclose their identities in the name of providing audiences more information: compelled disclosure cannot be justified absent a compelling need for author identity, at least in the realm of core speech. We also advocate that legislatures enact or courts adopt an evidentiary privilege to safeguard the right to speak anonymously from the chilling effect of cyberslapps. Adoption of the privilege would bring a uniform approach to the vexing problem of balancing the rights of anonymous speakers with the rights of those harmed by their speech.
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