Auto industry key to heg-- innovation and spillover

Heg

Auto industry key to heg-- innovation and spillover

You will hear from my colleagues in the Department of Defense right here who are experts in the Diminishing Manufacturing Sources and Material Shortages. or DMSMS. community. Mission capable systems and readiness are put at risk when DMSMS issues are left unresolved. What isn't understood is the reality that the auto industry affects DMSMS because the industrial infrastructure that supports the Department of Defense is shared by the auto industry. When a tier supplier to the auto industry goes under. whether it is a machine tool company or in microelectronics. it reduces DoD's ability to function whether we say so or not. I think we might as well say so. When government R&D investment in an industry deteriorates. it's only a matter of time before an industry is in trouble. Manufacturing R&D by the federal government has almost disappeared. Young people no longer view working in manufacturing as a possible career so We're losing our ability to train the next generation of scientists and engineers. We're losing critical to defense industries from shipbuilding to machine tools. high performance explosives and explosive components. cartridge and propellant actuated devices. welding and even the nuclear industry. All of these industries share the bottom of the base with the auto industry. and that is what has become a national security issue. We need to maintain a capability to be globally competitive in both product and process innovation. We must regain our manufacturing prowess and leadership. We need to reinvigorate the Manufacturing Extension Partnership Program at NIST. We need to prioritize those technologies that are critical to regaining and then maintaining leadership and competitive advantage in the overall industrial base so China does not become the world's leader in technologies we need to be a superpower. China is rapidly becoming the manufacturing capital of the world. For example. Chinese officials have very publicly stated that they want to become the foundry capital of the world and have a worldwide monopoly on cast parts. They have a plan to win. And we don't.

Global conflict

Khalilzad 11 – Former US ambassador, former Professor @ Columbia

(Zalmay Khalilzad, PhD, United States ambassador to Afghanistan, Iraq, and the United Nations during the presidency of George W. Bush and the director of policy planning at the Defense Department from 1990 to 1992 (2/8/11, National Review, “The Economy and National Security; If we don’t get our economic house in order, we risk a new era of multi-polarity,” http://www.nationalreview.com/articles/259024/economy-and-national-security-zalmay-khalilzad)

We face this domestic challenge while other major powers are experiencing rapid economic growth. Even though countries such as China, India, and Brazil have profound political, social, demographic, and economic problems, their economies are growing faster than ours, and this could alter the global distribution of power. These trends could in the long term produce a multi-polar world. If U.S. policymakers fail to act and other powers continue to grow, it is not a question of whether but when a new international order will emerge. The closing of the gap between the United States and its rivals could intensify geopolitical competition among major powers, increase incentives for local powers to play major powers against one another, and undercut our will to preclude or respond to international crises because of the higher risk of escalation. The stakes are high. In modern history, the longest period of peace among the great powers has been the era of U.S. leadership. By contrast, multi-polar systems have been unstable, with their competitive dynamics resulting in frequent crises and major wars among the great powers. Failures of multi-polar international systems produced both world wars. American retrenchment could have devastating consequences. Without an American security blanket, regional powers could rearm in an attempt to balance against emerging threats. Under this scenario, there would be a heightened possibility of arms races, miscalculation, or other crises spiraling into all-out conflict. Alternatively, in seeking to accommodate the stronger powers, weaker powers may shift their geopolitical posture away from the United States. Either way, hostile states would be emboldened to make aggressive moves in their regions. As rival powers rise, Asia in particular is likely to emerge as a zone of great-power competition. Beijing's economic rise has enabled a dramatic military buildup focused on acquisitions of naval, cruise, and ballistic missiles, long-range stealth aircraft, and anti-satellite capabilities. China's strategic modernization is aimed, ultimately, at denying the United States access to the seas around China. Even as cooperative economic ties in the region have grown, China's expansive territorial claims -- and provocative statements and actions following crises in Korea and incidents at sea -- have roiled its relations with South Korea, Japan, India, and Southeast Asian states. Still, the United States is the most significant barrier facing Chinese hegemony and aggression.

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