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**CISA DISADVANTAGE Affirmative



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**CISA DISADVANTAGE Affirmative

2AC- CISA DISADVANTAGE- Link Turn Strategy

  1. Non-unique- CISA will pass in the status quo- it has just enough votes


The Hill 2015- “GOP senator: Cyber bill has real shot in chamber” June 25 http://thehill.com/policy/cybersecurity/246111-gop-sen-leaders-still-want-to-move-cyber-bill

Sen. Deb Fischer (R-Neb.) expressed optimism Thursday about the chances of moving a stalled cybersecurity bill through the Senate. “The leader wants to be able to get a bill out,” Fischer said an event hosted by The Hill and sponsored by Visa, referring to Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.). “I think he has the support of the majority of members in our conference and I would hope the American people would continue to push all members to say we need to get this done.” ADVERTISEMENT Cybersecurity is “at the forefront of discussions that we’ve had in leadership since the beginning of the session,” she added. In the wake of the recent blistering cyberattack on federal networks, the upper chamber tried to attach a major cyber bill — intended to bolster the public-private exchange of data on hackers — to a defense authorization measure. Democrats rebelled, angry they would not be able to offer privacy-enhancing amendments to the bill, known as the Cybersecurity Information Sharing Act (CISA). With the help of a few Republicans, they blocked the maneuver. Civil liberties advocates have argued CISA could shuttle sensitive data to the National Security Agency (NSA), empowering the spy agency weeks after Congress voted to rein in its authority. CISA’s prospects have been uncertain since. Senate leaders have indicated there is no set timeline to bring the measure up as a standalone bill. And House Homeland Security Committee Chairman Michael McCaul (R-Texas) said on Wednesday that the Senate bill in its current form would be a nonstarter in the House, which has already passed its two complementary companion bills. CISA supporters — including a bipartisan group of lawmakers, most industry groups and potentially the White House — believe the measure is necessary to better thwart cyberattackers. By knowing more about our enemies, we can better repel them, they reason. “If we don’t allow companies to be able to share information when they see something, the American people are not going to be protected,” Fischer said. The bill would also help in the wake of massive data breaches, such as the one that has felled the Office of Personnel Management (OPM), Fischer believes. If the public and private sector are swapping more data, both sides can know sooner exactly what has happened, she said. That “will get consumers more involved, I think, at an earlier time so that they know that their information has been compromised,” Fischer said.

  1. The plan prevents passage- it starts a debate about surveillance in congress, which alienates republicans


The Hill 2015- “Senate GOP whip hopes to act on cyber bill in early August” http://thehill.com/policy/cybersecurity/247921-senate-gop-whip-eyes-early-august-for-cyber-bill, July 14

It would be the last chance for the upper chamber to try to pass the anti-hacking measure before a four-week recess. The bill, known as the Cybersecurity Information Sharing Act (CISA), is intended to boost the exchange of cyber threat data between the public and private sectors. The House has already passed its two companion pieces of legislation.¶ But the prospect might seem a longshot to many. The Senate’s calendar is packed in its final weeks before the August break. Myriad budget bills and a fight over the recently struck deal to curb Iran’s nuclear program are expected to dominate the diminishing floor time.¶ The Senate has been trying to move the bill for months to no avail.¶ Those backing the measure — a bipartisan group of lawmakers, most industry groups and potentially even the White House — were hopeful for swift passage in the upper chamber after the House approved its two measures by wide margins in April.¶ But the Senate bill was derailed amid a fight over reforming the National Security Agency.A right-left coalition of privacy advocates in Congress are concerned that CISA would simply shuttle more sensitive consumer information to the NSA, further enabling its surveillance programs only months after the Senate voted to restrict the agency’s authority.¶ Senate Republicans tried to attach the CISA language onto a defense authorization bill in an attempt to rush the bill through following the massive data breach at the Office of Personnel Management.¶ But Democrats revolted and blocked the maneuver. Many on the left, including bill co-sponsor Sen. Dianne Feinstein (D-Calif.), were upset lawmakers wouldn’t get to offer any privacy-enhancing amendments on the bill.¶ Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) over the weekend insisted Republicans were going to try and move the bill in the coming weeks.¶ “These cybersecurity issues are enormously significant,” he said during an interview on “Fox News Sunday.” “What we're going to do is before August, take a step in the direction of dealing with the problem with information sharing bill that I think will be broadly supported.”¶ Cornyn backed McConnell’s plan.¶ “He would like to prioritize this and get it done before we leave,” Cornyn said.

  1. Issues are compartmentalized- support for the plan will not spill over to effect CISA


Bouie 2011 (Jamelle, graduate of the U of Virginia, Writing Fellow for The American Prospect magazine, May 5, [prospect.org/csnc/blogs/tapped_archive?month=05&year=2011&base_name=political_capital)

Unfortunately, political capital isn’t that straightforward. As we saw at the beginning of Obama’s presidency, the mere fact of popularity (or a large congressional majority) doesn’t guarantee support from key members of Congress. For Obama to actually sign legislation to reform the immigration system, provide money for jobs, or reform corporate taxes, he needs unified support from his party and support from a non-trivial number of Republicans. Unfortunately, Republicans (and plenty of Democrats) aren’t interested in better immigration laws, fiscal stimulus, or liberal tax reform. Absent substantive leverage—and not just high approval ratings—there isn’t much Obama can do to pressure these members (Democrats and Republicans) into supporting his agenda. Indeed, for liberals who want to see Obama use his political capital, it’s worth noting that approval-spikes aren’t necessarily related to policy success. George H.W. Bush’s major domestic initiatives came before his massive post-Gulf War approval bump, and his final year in office saw little policy success. George W. Bush was able to secure No Child Left Behind, the Homeland Security Act, and the Authorization to Use Military Force in the year following 9/11, but the former two either came with pre-9/11 Democratic support or were Democratic initiatives to begin with. To repeat an oft-made point, when it comes to domestic policy, the presidency is a limited office with limited resources. Popularity with the public is a necessary part of presidential success in Congress, but it’s far from sufficient.



  1. There is no impact to economic decline


Drezner 2014 (Daniel W., professor of international politics at the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University. His latest book, The System Worked: How the World Stopped Another Great Depression, is just out from Oxford University Press; “The Uses of Being Wrong” http://www.lexisnexis.com.proxy2.cl.msu.edu/lnacui2api/results/docview/docview.do?docLinkInd=true&risb=21_T20276111299&format=GNBFI&sort=DATE,D,H&startDocNo=1&resultsUrlKey=29_T20276111283&cisb=22_T20276111282&treeMax=true&treeWidth=0&csi=171267&docNo=1)

My new book has an odd intellectual provenance-it starts with me being wrong. Back in the fall of 2008, I was convinced that the open global economic order, centered on the unfettered cross-border exchange of goods, services, and ideas, was about to collapse as quickly as Lehman Brothers. A half-decade later, the closer I looked at the performance of the system of global economic governance, the clearer it became that the meltdown I had expected had not come to pass. Though the advanced industrialized economies suffered prolonged economic slowdowns, at the global level there was no great surge in trade protectionism, no immediate clampdown on capital flows, and, most surprisingly, no real rejection of neoliberal economic principles. Given what has normally transpired after severe economic shocks, this outcome was damn near miraculous. Nevertheless, most observers have remained deeply pessimistic about the functioning of the global political economy. Indeed, scholarly books with titles like No One's World: The West, The Rising Rest, and the Coming Global Turn and The End of American World Order have come to a conclusion the opposite of mine. Now I'm trying to understand how I got the crisis so wrong back in 2008, and why so many scholars continue to be wrong now.




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