Chicago Debate League 2013/14 Core Files


AC Frontline: China Disadvantage [1/5] 362



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2AC Frontline: China Disadvantage [1/5] 362



1) No Link: Latin America is not important enough to either America or China to create tension.
TOKATLIAN, 07

[Juan Gabriel; professor of international relations at the Universidad Torcuato Di Tella in Agentina; “Latin America, China, and the United States: a hopeful triangle” 2/09, http://www.opendemocracy.net/democracy-protest/hopeful_triangle_4336.jsp]


Second, Latin America, China, and the United States do not constitute a strategic triangle: the bilateral ties of each pair are not closely intertwined, nor are they equally vital for all parties. The reciprocal significance of Washington-Beijing relations is, for each side, greater than their respective relationships with Latin America. At the same time, the weight of the United States in the external and internal politics of Latin America is much more important than that of China, and Latin America is not among China's highest priorities when compared to other countries (particularly, the more developed ones) and regions (especially its closest periphery). Furthermore, the history and recent evolution of this triangle has not had notable implications for the international balance of power, nor does it appear that it will in the near future.
2) Non-Unique: The U.S. is already outspending China in Latin America by more than 3-to-1.
REUTERS, 13

[Gary Regenstreif, “The looming U.S.-China rivalry over Latin America,” 6/12, http://blogs.reuters.com/great-debate/2013/06/12/the-looming-u-s-china-rivalry-over-latin-america/]


The United States, Latin America’s largest trading partner throughout much of its history, still retains this position. Washington has now signed free trade agreements with more than a third of the hemisphere’s nations and annually exchanges more than $800 billion in goods and services with Latin America — more than three times the region’s commerce with China.
3) No Link: Their evidence assumes the plan specifically targets a Chinese policy in Latin America with the goal of replacing it. China does not have a policy in place to do what the plan does, so there is no risk of overlap or competition.

2AC Frontline: China Disadvantage [2/5] 363



4) Turn: Hegemony.
A) Chinese engagement with Latin America decreases American global influence by allowing enemies to survive U.S. boycotts and enabling the creation of alternative trade regimes.
ELLIS, 12

[Evan, assistant professor of National Security Affairs at National Defense University; “The United States, Latin America and China: A “Triangular Relationship”?” May, http://www.thedialogue.org/PublicationFiles/IAD8661_China_Triangular0424v2e-may.pdf]


Moving from economics to political and social interdependencies, it is important to note that Chinese trade and investment with Latin American regimes indirectly undermine the ability of the United States to pursue its agenda in the region. This agenda focuses on multiple topics, from trade and respect for private property, to defense of the interests of US companies, to adherence to certain principles of democracy and human rights. With respect to trade and investment, the availability of the PRC as an alternative market was one factor leading Latin America away from the US-oriented Free Trade Area of the Americas trading regime and, instead, toward establishment of a network of bilateral free trade agreements. Under these agreements certain nations, such as Chile, Peru and Costa Rica, would attempt to both take advantage of the emerging Chinese market and serve as the link through which other nations in the region would do the same.11 Loans, investments and commodity purchases from China have allowed regimes relatively hostile to the United States, such as Venezuela, Bolivia and Ecuador, to turn their backs on Western lending institutions like the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. They also opened the way in some cases for default on loans, the nationalization of industries or other actions hostile to the interests of Western companies; in the short term, these regimes were able to sidestep the negative consequences that such actions bring from traditional capital markets
B) Loss of U.S. leadership causes global nuclear war.
KHALILZAD, 95

[Zalmay, RAND Analyst; “Losing the moment? The United States and the world after the Cold War,” Washington Quarterly, Spring, lexis-nexis]


Under the third option, the United States would seek to retain global leadership and to preclude the rise of a global rival or a return to multipolarity for the indefinite future. On balance, this is the best long-term guiding principle and vision. Such a vision is desirable not as an end in itself, but because a world in which the United States exercises leadership would have tremendous advantages. First, the global environment would be more open and more receptive to American values -- democracy, free markets, and the rule of law. Second, such a world would have a better chance of dealing cooperatively with the world's major problems, such as nuclear proliferation, threats of regional hegemony by renegade states, and low-level conflicts. Finally, U.S. leadership would help preclude the rise of another hostile global rival, enabling the United States and the world to avoid another global cold or hot war and all the attendant dangers, including a global nuclear exchange. U.S. leadership would therefore be more conducive to global stability than a bipolar or a multipolar balance of power system


2AC Frontline: China Disadvantage [3/5] 364



5) No Impact: Security concerns in Latin America will not lead to escalation because there is plenty of space for cooperation between the U.S. and China.
TOKATLIAN, 07

[Juan Gabriel; professor of international relations at the Universidad Torcuato Di Tella in Agentina; “Latin America, China, and the United States: a hopeful triangle” 2/09, http://www.opendemocracy.net/democracy-protest/hopeful_triangle_4336.jsp]


But the most critical factor in favour of a positive-sum relationship between China, Latin America, and the United States is in the area of trilateral security. Luckily for the three parties, Latin America is no epicentre of weapons of mass destruction and lethal transnational terrorism. The main Chinese concerns vis-à-vis the area are Taiwan and the provision of energy. In addition to both topics, which are disquieting matters for Washington, the United States identifies other questions that impact its sensation of vulnerability resulting from China's growing ties with Latin America. Among them are: China's latent military projection in the region, the Panama Canal, Colombia, Cuba, and Venezuela. For Latin America there is a wide-ranging set of security problems that have more of a day-to-day and direct impact on its citizens: the issue of weak states, the use and abuse of illicit drugs, the expansion of organised crime, the proliferation of small arms, the degradation of the environment, and the growth of corruption. A rigorous, unbiased analysis of the triangular security agenda shows that the most sensitive concerns for Beijing and Washington do not necessarily lead to conflict. Some issues may require a mutual accommodation (Taiwan, energy), others subtle mechanisms of consultation (Cuba and Venezuela), and still other topics are not problematic (Colombia and the Panama Canal) or real (Chinese military assertion in the region). In parallel, the most substantive worries for Latin America require political will, preventive diplomacy and cooperative treatment; an endeavour that could involve all three parties, without individual costs and with shared benefits. To sum up, there is a huge potential for designing and implementing a non-confrontational geopolitics among Latin America, China, and the United States. This, in turn, may be no trivial contribution to world peace.



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