Chicago Debate League 2013/14 Core Files
AC Frontline: European Union Counterplan 391
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- 2AC Frontline: European Union Counterplan 392
- 2AC Frontline: European Union Counterplan 393
2AC Frontline: European Union Counterplan 3915) No timeframe: The E.U. will not be able to reform or recover from the financial crisis meaning there is no money for more aid. FLANAGAN, ET AL, 11 [Stephen, Henry A. Kissinger Chair and senior vice president at Center for Strategic International Studies, “A Diminishing Transatlantic Partnership? the impact of the financial crisis on european defense and foreign assistance capabilities;” May, http://csis.org/files/publication/110427_Flanagan_FinancialCrisis_web.pdf] The fallout from the first wave of the global financial crisis in the fall of 2008 was somewhat delayed in Europe, but the impact of the second and third waves has created a perfect economic storm that has upended European politics and finances. Since May 9, 2010, when it was forced to rescue the Greek economy, the European Union has struggled to develop a durable response and define a mechanism that will ultimately resolve the crisis. The uneven response by European policymakers to the banking and sovereign debt crises on the Continent has exacerbated the situation, leading to doubts about the future of the euro and the greater European project itself. The crisis will continue to profoundly reshape Europe politically and economically over the next decade, with major implications for NATO and other elements of the transatlantic partnership. 2AC Frontline: European Union Counterplan 3926) Turn: European Leadership. A) Economic limits are causing trade-offs in E.U. economic assistance away from low profile regions like Latin America in favor of more important areas such as the Middle East. The Counterplan forces funding to Latin America, which undermines E.U. soft power. FLANAGAN, ET AL, 11 [Stephen, Henry A. Kissinger Chair and senior vice president at Center for Strategic International Studies, “A Diminishing Transatlantic Partnership? the impact of the financial crisis on european defense and foreign assistance capabilities;” May, http://csis.org/files/publication/110427_Flanagan_FinancialCrisis_web.pdf] Much of Europe’s soft power leadership emanates from its official development assistance (ODA) as the European Union and its member states constitute the world’s largest international aid donor. The 15 EU countries that are members of the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) Development Assistance Committee (DAC) netted $67.1 billion in ODA, or 56 percent of the DAC’s total ODA in 2009. In 2009, the EU members’ ODA total dipped slightly, representing 0.44 of gross national income (GNI). EU DAC members will fall short of their 2010 goal of 0.56 GNI and will be hard-pressed to reach the Millennium Development Goal of 0.7 percent by 2015. The sovereign debt crisis has accelerated pre-existing trends in European development assistance, including aid inflation, tied aid, and a move away from aid to least-developed countries and toward pre-EU accession countries, EU border states, resource-rich countries, and high profile operations, such as Afghanistan. But the ODA story in Europe is not a consistent one. Europe’s sovereign debt crisis has produced three categories of European aid donors: (1) “periphery” countries most affected by the crisis that are being forced to cut robust ODA as part of overall austerity programs, such as Ireland; (2) the “core” countries that have fared relatively well in the crisis and are maintaining their (differing) assistance commitments, such as the United Kingdom and Germany; and (3) some “outlier” countries that fared well in the crisis but are either reducing assistance, emphasizing tied aid, or reclassifying some peacekeeping and security support programs as ODA in the face of diminished public support, such as the Netherlands and Poland. Maximizing efficiency will become the mantra for European ODA. As ODA budgets grow politically less palatable, European politicians and development officials will increasingly seek to link aid to good governance and to stop funding programs at the first sign of inefficiencies. It is unclear whether Europe’s drive for efficiency will overshadow the need for greater effectiveness of the aid itself and whether it can strike a rational division of labor with the United States and other leading donor countries. 2AC Frontline: European Union Counterplan 393B) A strong and credible European Union is necessary to combat global problems like diseases and economic collapse that will lead to extinction because no individual country has the capacity to solve. BRUTON, 1 [John, Former Irish Prime Minister, “Report before the Joint Committee on European Affairs, Parliament of Ireland,” October, http://www.irlgov.ie/committees-02/c-europeanaffairs/future/page1.htm] 2.5 As the Laeken Declaration put it, "Europe needs to shoulder its responsibilities in the governance of globalisation" adding that Europe must exercise its power in order "to set globalisation within a moral framework, in other words to anchor it in solidarity and sustainable development". 2.6 Only a strong European Union is big enough to create a space, and a stable set of rules, within which all Europeans can live securely, move freely, and provide for themselves, for their families and for their old age. Individual states are too small to do that on their own. Only a strong European Union is big enough to deal with the globalized human diseases, such as AIDS and tuberculosis. Only a strong European Union is big enough to deal with globalized criminal conspiracies, like the Mafia, that threaten the security of all Europeans. Only a strong European Union is big enough to deal with globalized environmental threats, such as global warming, which threaten our continent and generations of its future inhabitants. Only a strong European Union is big enough to deal with globalized economic forces, which could spread recession from one country to another and destroy millions of jobs. Only a strong European Union is big enough to regulate, in the interests of society as a whole, the activities of profit seeking private corporations, some of which now have more spending power than many individual states. 2.7 These tasks are too large for individual states. 2.8 Only by coming together in the European Union can we ensure that humanity, and the values which make us, as individuals, truly human, prevail over blind global forces that will otherwise overwhelm us. 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