Chicago Debate League 2013/14 Core Files
NC Extension: A/t - #4 “No Abuse – U.S.A.I.D.” 403
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- 2NC Extension: A/t - 5 “Mixing Burdens” 404
- 2NC Extension: A/t - 6 “Reasonability” 405
- 1NC Shell: Topicality – Venezuela 406
2NC Extension: A/t - #4 “No Abuse – U.S.A.I.D.” 4031) Just because they use a specific agency does not mean the plan does economic engagement. If this were true, any Affirmative team could have the U.S.A.I.D. send military assistance in order to claim huge, unpredictable advantages without having to debate Topicality. 2) There is a clear distinction in literature between economic arguments such as trade, and non-economic arguments such as drug trafficking. ROSE AND SPIEGEL, 08 [Andrew, B.T. Rocca Jr. Professor of International Trade and Economic Analysis and Policy in the Haas School of Business at the University of California, Berkeley; Mark, Vice President, Economic Research, Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco; “ Non-Economic Engagement and International Exchange: The Case of Environmental Treaties,” http://halleinstitute.emory.edu/pdfs/PIEF_Rose_Spiegel.pdf] Countries, like people, interact with each other on a number of different dimensions. Some interactions are strictly economic; for instance, countries engage in international trade of goods, services, capital, and labor. But many are not economic, at least not in any narrow sense. For instance, the United States seeks to promote human rights and democracy, deter nuclear proliferation, stop the spread of narcotics, and so forth. Accordingly America, like other countries, participates in a number of international institutions to further its foreign policy objectives; it has joined security alliances like NATO, and international organizations such as the International Atomic Energy Agency. In this paper, we concentrate on the interesting and understudied case of international environmental arrangements (IEAs). We ask whether participation in such non-economic partnerships tends to enhance international economic relations. The answer, in both theory and practice, is positive. 2NC Extension: A/t - #5 “Mixing Burdens” 4041) There is no impact to mixing burdens. If we win that the Affirmative is not topical, that is a reason to reject them and vote Negative. 2) You can determine the intent of the plan by reading just the plan text. Their intent is to decrease crime and violence, which is different than stabilizing the economy. The words “crime” and “violence” are not in the resolution. The affirmative plan rests on an unreasonable and way over-broad interpretation of the language in the resolution. 2NC Extension: A/t - #6 “Reasonability” 4051) You should default to a standard of competing interpretations. Reasonability is arbitrary because every judge will have a different idea of what a “good” interpretation is. Weighing the costs and benefits of each interpretation and judging the plan based on the best one is the only way to put the round in the hands of the debaters, which encourages more education and is more fair. 2) The affirmative cannot define “reasonability” in an objective manner, one that isn’t blatantly biased by their strong self-interest in wanting their plan to be topical. For this reason, you must reject “reasonability” as a standard. 1NC Shell: Topicality – Venezuela 406A) Interpretation: Economic Engagement requires an unconditional transfer of aid from the United States to another country, regardless of whether the other country initiates reform. GAMBILL, 03 [Gary, general editor for Middle East Forum; “The American-Syrian Crisis and the End of Constructive Engagement;” April, http://www.meforum.org/meib/articles/0304_s1.htm] Until last month, the parameters of American policy toward Syria were strictly defined by the State Department's doctrine of constructive engagement, a diplomatic operating principle inspired by the successful use of US economic and military aid during the 1970s to facilitate Egyptian President Anwar Sadat's acceptance of a bilateral peace treaty with Israel. The underlying assumptions of US constructive engagement in the Middle East are that the capacity of the United States to reward "good behavior" far exceeds its capacity to punish "bad behavior" (which was largely true during the Cold War) and that the latter is ineffective in conditioning policymaking in the Arab world for a variety of cultural and historical reasons. American efforts to woo Sadat in the aftermath of the 1973 Yom Kippur War were paralleled by constructive engagement of Syrian President Hafez Assad. The United States pressured Israel to withdraw from part of the Golan Heights captured from Syria during the 1967 war, provided Syria with several hundred million dollars of economic aid, and tacitly supported the entry of Syrian troops into Lebanon (ostensibly to rein in radical Palestinian groups threatening the overthrow of its government). However, American rewards failed to win Assad's acceptance of a bilateral peace treaty with Israel - or even to persuade him not to sabotage Egypt's treaty with Israel. B) Violation: The plan is conditional, only giving assistance if Venezuela actually implements reforms. If Venezuela rejects the offer, no economic assistance is given. C) Standards: 1) Conditionality: Plans must be topical on their face, but the affirmative’s plan only acts to increase American economic engagement under a certain condition, meaning that it is only conditionally topical. Uncertainty on the plan’s prima facie topicality means you must vote negative. 2) Topic Explosion: Under an affirmative interpretation, they can try to get Latin American countries to adopt an infinite range of policies by conditioning our aid on their adopting them. This explodes the topic, and is thus both uneducational and competitively unfair. 3) Education: The core of the topic is learning about U.S. aid. If aid doesn’t need to be transferred, we don’t learn about government interactions. D) Topicality is a voting issue for Fairness and Ground. 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