Contention Three is Solvency: Our demand might not change federal government policy, but it raises critical awareness and brings new voices into the immigration debate that break down racism.
1) Speaking out regarding immigration policy in debates is necessary to raise public awareness. Any notion of universal rights and inclusion must begin by recognizing that we are already here and always have been, and refuse to continue being invisible.
ROCHA, 12
[Harold, “Latcrit Needs to Occupy Public Political Discourse,” 03/09, website viewed as Cached from 6/06/2013 on Google; http://nuestrasvoceslatinas.com/2012/03/09/latcrit-needs-to-occupy-public-political-discourse/]
Beyond the need to analyze and respond to each statement, it is imperative to question what drives this hateful collective platform, which is obviously not designed to fetch Latin@ votes. To be sure, nativism is not new in the American political landscape, but this round seems oddly self-righteous. In a post-Citizens United world, it is being advanced by the same groups which, when it comes to corporate interests, sing the praises of borderless globalization. Why, then, the white picket fence? Explanations might be plentiful, but probably converge on simple demographics – Latin@s are the fastest-growing ethnic group in the United States and threaten future cultural and economic hegemony currently held by some. That triggers plain racism and xenophobia, which find fertile ground in constituents who have recently achieved greater economic power while declining in humanistic development. Hence their appetite for simplistic, divisional tactics which capitalize on public perception of U.S. Latin@s as outsiders, uprooted law-breakers who just don’t/can’t belong, and are condemned to live in the ghetto forever because we are not capable of learning English. We must be portrayed as weak in order to be dominated and kept from becoming a threat. Substantive subordination is achieved by reducing our political interests to a single one. Without doubt, immigration is a paramount issue for our community. It affects our most vulnerable, and for that reason we must not let up on our collective efforts to move it up on the legislative agenda. Yet, because immigration touches us so deeply on an emotional level, it is an issue that can be used by others to direct our political energies, only to be reminded, time and again, that we are not sufficiently relevant as a voting bloc to merit Congressional action. There are 11 or 12 million undocumented immigrants in the United States, the majority of which are Latin@s, but there are also over 40 million other Latin@s who are U.S citizens and LPRs. U.S. Latin@s have been present in territories of what is now the United States even before the Pilgrims landed on Plymouth Rock. Some of us are newcomers, but the vast majority are not. U.S. Latin@s fought in the Civil War and the two World Wars, in Korea, Vietnam, Iraq, and Afghanistan. For over 200 years we have worked alongside other Americans in farms and factories that have made of this a great world power. At the same time, we are also the group hardest hit by the Great Recession and by the burst of the housing bubble. As a group we lead nationwide statistics of unemployment, poverty, and educational underachievement. We need to support candidates who speak about all issues that matter to us. Latino and Latina Critical Legal Theory (LatCrit), that amazing academic movement which since its creation in 1995 has been at the forefront of our struggles, can now play an even greater role in what Cornel West has called a “democratic awakening” by occupying public political discourse. The superb analysis, debates, and conclusions drawn at the 16 symposia held to date could be disseminated widely to guide and empower U.S. Latin@s everywhere. We have to show that we are an integral part of the great experiment that is the Unites States of America, and that we won’t tolerate any attempts to minimize our economic, social, and political contributions. We have to demand respect for what we are—a group that already belongs.
1AC: Critical Immigration Affirmative 173
2) Pushing for a new racial paradigm based on citizenship for Latina/os can overcome the traditional White/Black paradigm for racial discrimination and solve all racism.
TRUCIOS-HAYNES, 1
[Enid, Professor of Law, Brandeis School of Law of the University of Louisville; “Why "Race Matters:" LatCrit Theory and Latina/o Racial Identity,” La Raza Law Journal, 12:1]
An affirmative Non-White Latina/o racial identity may bring about equality under the Law for Latinas/os. If we accept that Latinas/os largely are perceived as a Non-White racial group in this country, we must also push for a definition of` race that includes color, race, language, culture, national origin, citizenship status and other factors that reflect the Latina/o experience. A broader conception of racial identity cue that includes the critical aspects of Latina/o Identity is a step toward recognizing the histories of all communities of color in the United States and their interrelatedness. A Non-White identity for Latinas/os need not ignore the tremendous diversity of our peoples. I further argue that critical race theory should include a Latina/o perspective of racial Identity. Much of critical race theory has focused on the racial oppression of the Black community as it is constructed within the Black-White paradigm. And, LatCrit Theory has focused on the limitations of the Black-White paradigm to address Latina/o concerns. However, LatCrft scholars must do more than merely reject the Black-White paradigm and point out the ways in which critical elements of the Latina/o experience are rendered invisible within it. A functional definition of race, one that recognizes the powerful mediating place race occupies in the lives of all who live in the United States, particularly the lives of people of color, can transform the traditional understanding of equal protection under law. A functional definition of race would recognize that the Latina/o community, as a whole, is perceived in racial terms by the White majority, and would include a Latina/o experience of racial identity In order to include the Latina/o experience of racial identification in the United States, Latinas/os must investigate the position of the Latina/o group within the Black-White paradigm and the racial hierarchy constructed thereon, as well as investigate the manipulation of our groups racial identity. This effort and a unified front of communities of color and allied groups can result in a transformation of equal protection Jurisprudence and anti-discrimination law.
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