Social Cohesion Reduces Crime. ASF
Hirschfield, Alex. Bowers, Karen J. “The Effect of Social Cohesion on Levels of Recorded Crime in Disadvantaged Areas” Urban Studies, Vol. 34, No. 8 1275 – 1295, 1997. http://usj.sagepub.com/content/34/8/1275
It is clear from these results, therefore, that there is a significant relationship between social cohesion levels in disadvantaged areas and levels of certain types of crime. The more that an area that is at a disadvantage economically pulls together as a community, the greater its capacity to combat crime. These results have obvious implications for crime prevention strategies. Disadvantaged areas that are socially disorganised according to the ethnic mixing factor should have strategies that aim for the reduction of burglaries, perhaps by introducing programmes that appeal to all ethnic groups and encourage participation by transient residents of the area. This should also help to lower levels of assault and robbery in these areas. Areas that are socially disorganised according to the social control factor should employ strategies that divert juveniles and young adults from anti-social behaviour and crime and programmes that offer support to single-parent families. This should also help to lower incidents of assault and robbery. However, the prevention of sexual offences would have to employ a dual-level approach: one to target offences committed by strangers; and another to target other offences. The authors acknowledge that such strategies are ambitious, but they are probably more realistic than strategies that aim to combat crime through economic revival. The existence of Single Regeneration Budget-funded initiatives aimed at encouraging community participation, demonstrates that such strategies can be realised and leaves us with the optimistic conclusion that steps are being taken to tackle problems directly by focusing on probable causal processes.
Social cohesiveness can reduce crime a great deal, especially when the methods to achieve social cohesion can transcend ethnic differences. The civic pride that occurs from rallying around a new stadium or team affects all in the area, indiscriminately by race. This evidence explains why that would reduce crime.
Wedlock, Elaine. "Crime and cohesive communities" Home Office Online Report. June 19, 2006. http://www.bucksdaat.co.uk/attachments/093_crime_cohesive_communities.pdf
The sense of community factor was found to be the strongest predictor of various types of recorded crime. This sense of community factor is made up of some questions that include elements of social control such as whether people pull together to improve the area, whether they feel safe walking at night, whether neighbours look out for each other and whether they trust people in their neighbourhood. It also includes a more general sense of camaraderie such as whether people enjoy living in the area and are proud of the neighbourhood.
The sense of belonging factor also contains aspects of social control. This measures whether respondents know many people in their neighbourhood and whether they feel a sense of belonging to the local area and neighbourhood. This factor is not a strong predictor of lower levels of crime.
, which somewhat negates Kasarda and Janowitz’s theory that high levels of attachment lead to local integration and the shared goal of keeping the neighbourhood safe. A sense of community rather than a sense of attachment is the most important predictor of lower levels of crime. This is good news for areas with high population turnover, particularly because this sense of community is not only linked with lower levels of violent crime (the type of crime most often linked with social control), but also with other types of neighbourhood level crime such as burglary from dwelling, theft of and from motor vehicles and the overarching ‘all reported crime’ measure.
If people are proud of the community, there is a strong relationship to lower crime rates. Moreover, the lower crime seems to uniquely come from a sense of community and pride, as opposed to actually attachment to the area itself. This means that gentrified neighborhoods should also experience lower crime rates if they rally around their teams.
Even one pro team greatly increases social cohesion DAT
Roger I. Abrams, Hardball in City Hall: Public Financing of Sports Stadiums, 3 Pace. Intell.Prop. Sports & Ent.L.F. 164 (2013). http://digitalcommons.pace.edu/pipself/vol3/iss1/8
Much has been written lately about what might be termed the politics of public happiness. A new stadium may not make a city richer, but it might make its inhabitants happier by improving their quality of life and civic pride, much like clean air, good weather and scenic views. Community self-esteem, status and prestige as a public good may be harder to measure than gross local domestic receipts, but it is just as real. As Art Modell, the owner of the Baltimore Ravens which he relocated from Cleveland, explained: “The pride and the presence of a professional football team is far more important than thirty libraries.” The opposite effect, of course, follows from the loss of a sports franchise. Cleveland, for example, has suffered from a community-wide malaise for decades.
While long-term public happiness may ultimately depend upon the success of the franchise in league competition, there is a genuine public benefit in civic pride from national recognition as a major league city even if the local club is an also-ran. The opportunity for city residents to root for their “home team” provides them a common interest, a cohesive force for any city. One person's consumption of this public good does not deplete the psychic nourishment available to others, and no citizen can be excluded from its enjoyment, although not all can afford the price of a ticket to attend a game in person.
It can Pro teams to look at sports teams not as businesses but vehicles of community good. This puts them on the same ground as roads, libraries, etc. (rather than standard profit-generating businesses). This leaves Con teams less able to question the economic validity of sports, putting the debate on Pro team’s ground.
Small, socially cohesive communities are more capable of attracting business DAT
Roger I. Abrams, Hardball in City Hall: Public Financing of Sports Stadiums, 3 Pace. Intell.Prop. Sports & Ent.L.F. 164 (2013). http://digitalcommons.pace.edu/pipself/vol3/iss1/8
While large metropolises may have franchises in all four team sports, smaller cities, such as Green Bay, Oklahoma City, Sacramento, and Salt Lake City, have a single franchise in one sport, but even that single entry places them among the premier cities of the country. There is some evidence that other businesses -- those that actually create real, long-term, well-paying jobs -- seek to locate in a city that can boast that it has a major league franchise.
Proponents of public subsidies have posited that new construction provides social benefits to members of the community, enhancing self-esteem and social cohesiveness. Not only do people feel better about their city, outsiders do as well. Cities make investments in the “good will” of their communities all the time. Museums, libraries, schools and clean streets enhance the public’s perception and attract outsiders to come and visit or even relocate. Although it may be difficult to monetize these intangible social benefits, no one doubts that they are real.
Between lower crime rates and greater publicity, cities with major sports teams have an advantage over their otherwise mediocre competitors.
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