Minor leagues that are subsidized are a better investment than private minor leagues. ASF
Agha, Nola. “The Economic Impact of Stadia and Teams: The Case of Minor League Baseball.” Journal of Sports Economics. 14(3) pp. 227 – 252. 2013. https://www.academia.edu/7267312/The_Economic_Impact_of_Stadiums_and_Teams_The_Case_of_Minor_League_Baseball
Independent leagues are not governed by Minor League Baseball, are free to set their own schedules, sign their own players, and were unaffected by the 1990 stadium requirements. Yet independent leagues have always struggled with financial viability because they have had to cover the entire portion of their expenses with no assistance from major league teams. Despite lower player talent than affiliated teams, independent teams must rely more on player talent, wins, promotions, and marketing to drive attendance and therefore revenues to the team. The result is independent leagues tend to exhibit more market volatility, as evidenced in Table 1, and stay in a city only 25% as long as an affiliated franchise, on average. (pg. 7)
There is a comparison between Independent Minor Leagues, and Minor Leagues affiliated with Major League Teams. Independent leagues handle their own funding completely, leading to less economic stability and a life span 25% that of an affiliated Minor League Baseball team because affiliated teams are subsidized. Opponents may say they are only subsidized by Major League teams, however those teams have additional money to spend on minor leagues due to public subsidies.
Preferable Methodology. ASF
Agha, Nola. “The Economic Impact of Stadia and Teams: The Case of Minor League Baseball.” Journal of Sports Economics. 14(3) pp. 227 – 252. 2013.
First, the smaller towns where minor league baseball teams are located help avoid an econometric issue that has plagued major league research. Because major league teams are located in roughly the 50 largest metro areas, there is a collinearity problem between population and the presence of a team. On the other hand, between 1980 and 2007 there were 269 metro areas that hosted a minor league baseball team with 2006 population ranging from 15,469 to 18.8 million. Thus, minor league baseball offers the opportunity to dramatically increase not only the variance in population but also the size of the sample. Next, although Baade et al. (2008) point out that the enormity of major metropolitan areas makes it difficult to find effects due to normal fluctuations in the regional economy, this problem should be partially alleviated in minor league baseball because metropolitan areas are generally smaller. Because the effect of a team may be smaller as well it may be theoretically ambiguous, ex ante, whether minor league teams are a larger or smaller portion of the economy than major league teams are. With 269 metro areas in the sample, at minimum there should be a wide variation in the degree to which teams are either a large or small part of the local economy.
Third, the minor league baseball context extends the current major league literature to a new and relevant segment of U.S. sports. Although there were several critical, but non- econometric, studies on the potential for minor league teams to affect local economics in the mid-1990’s (Baade & Sanderson, 1997b; Colclough, Daellenbach, & Sherony, 1994; Johnson, 1995; Rosentraub & Swindell, 1991), it is only in recent years that econometric interest in minor
league baseball has begun (e.g. Cebula, Toma, & Carmichael, 2009; Gitter & Rhoads, 2010, 2011; Winfree, 2009) although none of these studies focus on economic impact. In 1997, Baade and Sanderson claimed that econometric analysis of minor league baseball was not possible because of the non-existence of data for small communities. Fortunately, the opposite is now true and data is so freely available, even for small communities, that this research contains all but five minor league teams that played in the U.S. in a 22-year period.
Finally, this research also helps inform the current debate on public funding for minor league stadiums by evaluating the veracity of claims made by stadium proponents. With hundreds of millions of public dollars spent each year on minor league baseball stadiums, the economic effects of teams on communities have important policy implications.
This is the most inclusive and conclusive study on public subsidies in relation to minor league stadiums. It analyzes 269 stadiums (all but 5 teams from 1991 – 2013) with data that has only recently become available. It answers criticism of previous studies because data was not available. It also directly addresses public subsidies and gives a direct comparison to major league stadiums.
Minor League stadiums cause communal benefits. ASF
Carr, Susan Latham. “Is there major league benefit to minor league baseball?” Ocala Star Banner. December 9, 2012. www.ocala.com/article/20121209/ARTICLES/121209753?template=printpicart
Arthur T. Johnson, University of Maryland's professor emeritus in the Fishell Department of Bioengineering at the University of Maryland, says Minor League Baseball can be an economic driver for a community if it meets the community's strategic goals.
Johnson, who published his research on Minor League Baseball in 1996, found there are ways a community can benefit economically from Minor League Baseball. He is the author of the book “Minor League Baseball and Local Economic Development.”
“If it's going to be a successful economic driver, the location of the stadium is going to be very important,” Johnson said. “Communities have used the stadium to bolster a dying downtown or as part of a redevelopment project or to open new lands for development.”
He said a stadium could be used as an entry point for residential or retail development. It could also be used to improve the quality of life, by opening it up to amateur sports like high school or college teams, so that the community gets greater use of the facility. He said northern towns have used them for ice rinks. The parking lots can be used for RV shows and the like.
“It becomes a community forum,” Johnson said.
He said people may travel distances to see a Major League team's spring training games, but they will not for minor league games.
“So you are not going to get 10,000 people a game. They're not going to spill over to the bars and restaurants. A lot will be families that go to the game and then go home,” Johnson said.
He said communities will not get a return dollar-for-dollar on Minor League Baseball.
“That doesn't mean it's not worth it,” Johnson said. “Elected officials should be making decisions whether or not, in their strategic vision for the community, this is going to bring something that meets one of their strategic goals.”
He said in Harrisburg, Pa., one of the goals was to bring suburbanites into town and it worked. People who came into town for the game would stay in town and visit the restaurants.
“That's the type of thing that can happen, even in a small community,” Johnson said.
In this quote, Johnson is noted saying economy isn’t the only benefit the community can derive, but they can have a specific role they want the stadium to play, and thus it is holistically considered a benefit, even if the numbers don’t speak to that front.
Minor Leagues are not comparable to Major Leagues. ASF
Agha, Nola. “The Economic Impact of Stadia and Teams: The Case of Minor League Baseball.” Journal of Sports Economics. 14(3) pp. 227 – 252. 2013. https://www.academia.edu/7267312/The_Economic_Impact_of_Stadiums_and_Teams_The_Case_of_Minor_League_Baseball
Minor league baseball is major league baseball on a small scale. Teams play shorter seasons in smaller ballparks that tend to be located in smaller cities with lower per capita incomes. Minor league teams have operating budgets that pale in comparison to their major league affiliates, they employ fewer people, the salaries they pay are much smaller, and the jobs are mostly seasonal (Johnson, 1991, 1995). Although major leagues often import over 50% of their total budget from revenue sharing and lucrative national television contracts, the only financial inflows attributable to minor league teams are the player salaries paid by major league affiliates. Even these payments are absent in the case of independent leagues. In addition, the minor leagues have lower levels of media exposure and brand association, decreased league longevity, more frequent team moves, shorter seasons, and lower quality players producing lower quality contests. If the effect of a major league team on income is insignificant or negative, the minor league results should be more so.
In spite of this inauspicious expectation, it is important to note that minor league baseball is not a homogenous product. Affiliated teams should have a more positive effect than independent teams because of higher quality players, stronger history, fewer league and team movements, and the benefits of affiliation in branding, increasing attendance, and generating media exposure. Likewise, within classifications the quality of play, season length, population, substitutes, and longevity in a market are distinctly different. For example, AAA and AA teams benefit from large populations (as a proxy for demand), little competition from MLB, and longer seasons in larger stadiums. Given these conditions, it is expected AAA and AA teams will have the least negative effect while A and rookie teams are expected to have a more negative effect on local per capita income.
Finally, minor league team owners routinely claim that their product is a local leisure activity, not a sporting contest (Johnson, 1995). If this is truly the case, then a comparison to MLB may be less
appropriate than a stand-alone evaluation of the degree to which minor league baseball can generate new visitor spending. (pg. 8-9)
Because there is such a wide variety of Minor Leagues in baseball, and the teams participate on such a small and local scale, the activity is not comparable to the Major Leagues because it lacks the competitive edge that the Majors market on. Moreover, Minor League teams affiliated with Major League teams (meaning they have subsidies; see above) do not move often, and have relatively high turnout and media exposure.
Minor League management causes economic gains. ASF
Agha, Nola. “The Economic Impact of Stadia and Teams: The Case of Minor League Baseball.” Journal of Sports Economics. 14(3) pp. 227 – 252. 2013. https://www.academia.edu/7267312/The_Economic_Impact_of_Stadiums_and_Teams_The_Case_of_Minor_League_Baseball
The results of this research highlight the positive effects of AAA teams, A+ teams, AA
stadiums, and rookie stadiums on local per capita income. The findings also indicate non- positive effects of AA, A, A-, rookie, and independent teams as well as AAA, A+, A, A-, and independent stadiums.
There are several reasons the positive effects are particularly interesting. First, and in contrast to decades of major league results, there are no significant negative effects. All of the significant results are positive. In addition, the a priori expectations based on a thorough conceptual analysis were that all of the results would be negative.
To be clear, teams and stadiums in the majority of classifications have insignificant effects on per capita income. This is consistent with prior major league research. What is unique about the minor league context is that entire leagues of teams at the AAA and A+ levels are, for the first time, reflecting positive changes. Yet, no cost-benefit analysis was conducted so there is no implication that cities should invest in AA or rookie stadiums. What is distinctive about these results is the acknowledgement that perhaps fundamental differences in the business structure of sports can result in dramatic changes in the ability of sports teams to affect their local economies. (pg. 27-28)
The simple differences in how Minor League stadiums and teams are run and structured uniquely cause them to have economic benefits to the local community in Per Capita Income gains.
Minor Leagues Increase Per Capita Income $67 to $201. ASF
Agha, Nola. “The Economic Impact of Stadia and Teams: The Case of Minor League Baseball.” Journal of Sports Economics. 14(3) pp. 227 – 252. 2013. https://www.academia.edu/7267312/The_Economic_Impact_of_Stadiums_and_Teams_The_Case_of_Minor_League_Baseball
Model 2 was run with a more detailed breakdown of affiliated teams to address the differences between classifications. Model 3 tested this further stratification and a Wald test confirmed (p = 0.022) that the distinction between A+, A, and A- was significantly different from zero. Therefore, Model 4 implemented this stratification at both the team and stadium level. Finally, Model 5 added entry and exit honeymoons. Model 5 is the fully specified model and is used for discussion, although the results are strongly similar between the various models. The R-squared value of 0.34 is lower than other similar major league research. But, since R- squared is simply the fraction of unexplained variance in the model, it seems unsurprising that 238 minor league metro areas that range from a AAA metropolis to an Independent village have more natural random unexplained variability than 40 nearly identical major league metro areas.
The first difference of the rate of employment is statistically significant and in the expected direction. The first difference of the percent change in population is negative suggesting, in this case, that the increasing labor supply is lowering wages. Two other control variables, the first differences of stadium capacity and the quality of the major league parent club, are statistically insignificant.
As mentioned in the previous section, although the model was first differenced, the parameter interpretations have not changed. Thus, the mere presence of an AAA franchise is associated with a $67.25 (p = 0.034) increase in per capita incomes, holding all else constant. Similarly, an A+ franchise is associated with a $117.57 (p = 0.044) increase in per capita income. The honeymoon period for stadiums at the AA (160.83, p = 0.033) and rookie level (201.99, p = 0.032) also have significant impacts on per capita income. The entry and exit honeymoon variables are all insignificant. (pg. 17)
This analysis of the data shows that each type of affiliated minor league stadium results in a increase in per capita income for the local community, ranging from $67 at the highest level of play, to $201 at the lowest level of minor league play. It should be noted that the AA and rookie level income gains are not long standing and only part of a "honeymoon" phase, though this lasts 5 years.
Minor Leagues Boost Per Capita Income .2 - .7%. ASF
Agha, Nola. “The Economic Impact of Stadia and Teams: The Case of Minor League Baseball.” Journal of Sports Economics. 14(3) pp. 227 – 252. 2013. https://www.academia.edu/7267312/The_Economic_Impact_of_Stadiums_and_Teams_The_Case_of_Minor_League_Baseball
This study used a model as similar as possible to Coates and Humphreys (1999) so that comparisons could be made between major and minor league sports. Although the unique structure of minor league baseball made it infeasible or impossible to include identical variables, many of the same ones were used. In addition to a longer and more current dataset, this research took advantage of new techniques in panel data analysis and used a different estimator.
Coates and Humphreys (1999) found insignificance for MLB stadium construction and entrance coefficients whereas the minor league coefficients are significant in four instances (see Table 6). The effect size of a minor league team is small, ranging from 0.7% of M[etropolitan]S[tatistical]A[rea] per capita income for a rookie stadium to 0.2% for an AAA team, but is similar to other minor league research (Gitter & Rhoads, 2010; Winfree, 2009) that has also found small but strongly significant effects.
Minor League franchising entering a Metropolitan Area bolsters per capita income from .2 - .7% depending on the level of play of the team. This is statistically significant, and when compared to major leagues, has no negative impacts.
Benefits of Springfield Falcons routine operating expenses, Fj
Walker, Sharianne and Enz, Michael. “The Impact of Professional Sports on The Local Economy” Western New England College School of Law. March 24, 2006.
Such valuation is illustrated by examining the economic impact of a minor league hockey team in Springfield, Massachusetts. Springfield is home to the Springfield Falcons, an American Hockey League (AHL) team, and the AHL headquarters.
The local economic benefits derived from routine operating expenses are often overlooked. For example, the Springfield Falcons spend over $150,000 in bus transportation with Peter Pan Bus Lines, a local transportation vendor. The team also retains a variety of local medical providers, including physical therapists, MRI centers, and other sports-related treatment specialists. Baystate Health System, a local hospital network, also enjoys related ancillary benefits, using team endorsements to drive other users to the facility. Additionally, the Falcons spend approximately $150,000 a year on local media buys, or advertisements.
Springfield Falcons impact on local businesses, Fj
Walker, Sharianne and Enz, Michael. “The Impact of Professional Sports on The Local Economy” Western New England College School of Law. March 24, 2006.
According to Mr. Denver, this direct and measurable benefit to the local economy is supplemented by economic spin off in terms of fan-related spending. The Springfield Falcons compete at the recently renovated MassMutual Center in downtown Springfield. On game nights, fans patronize local restaurants and bars. Mr. Denver reports that at Samuel's Sports Bar and Tavern, located one block from the MassMutual Center, business increases by 65 percent on nights when the team plays at home. Mr. Denver also offered the example of a downtown restaurant, The Student Prince, which serves an additional sixty-five to seventy-five meals as a direct result of Springfield Falcons fans being in the downtown area.
Mr. Denver notes that the city itself benefits from game night fan spending. The Springfield Parking Authority (SPA) reports an additional 150 to 375 parked vehicles on nights when the Spring field Falcons play at home. The added revenue generated from forty home-game nights each year contributes to the SPA's ability to pay off its bond obligations.
Visiting teams, Mr. Denver adds, also make important contributions to the local economy. For example, Mr. Denver noted that a local hotel reports that visiting teams book approximately 1,500 room nights at two major downtown hotels in Springfield each season. Visiting players and team officials not only stay in local hotels, but they also eat in local restaurants and rent cars locally.
Springfield Falcons charity, Fj
Walker, Sharianne and Enz, Michael. “The Impact of Professional Sports on The Local Economy” Western New England College School of Law. March 24, 2006.
Lastly, according to Mr. Denver, the team has made a significant economic contribution to the Springfield area through its support of many non-profit agencies. The Springfield Falcons Charities, the team's charitable arm, has donated over $400,000 to the local community in the past ten years.
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