Free Speech Zones Aff
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- A2 Ableism K
- Link turn – student activism combats ableism on campus
- Legislation is powerful – prefer political strategy rather than the non-strategy of their critique
A2 R/C ClaimsViolence is proximately caused – root cause logic is poor scholarshipSharpe, lecturer, philosophy and psychoanalytic studies, and Goucher, senior lecturer, literary and psychoanalytic studies – Deakin University, ‘10 (Matthew and Geoff, Žižek and Politics: An Introduction, p. 231 – 233) We realise that this argument, which we propose as a new ‘quilting’ framework to explain Žižek’s theoretical oscillations and political prescriptions, raises some large issues of its own. While this is not the place to further that discussion, we think its analytic force leads into a much wider critique of ‘Theory’ in parts of the latertwentieth- century academy, which emerged following the ‘cultural turn’ of the 1960s and 1970s in the wake of the collapse of Marxism. Žižek’s paradigm to try to generate all his theory of culture, subjectivity, ideology, politics and religion is psychoanalysis. But a similar criticism would apply, for instance, to theorists who feel that the method Jacques Derrida developed for criticising philosophical texts can meaningfully supplant the methodologies of political science, philosophy, economics, sociology and so forth, when it comes to thinking about ‘the political’. Or, differently, thinkers who opt for Deleuze (or Deleuze’s and Guattari’s) Nietzschean Spinozism as a new metaphysics to explain ethics, politics, aesthetics, ontology and so forth, seem to us candidates for the same type of criticism, as a reductive passing over the empirical and analytic distinctness of the different object fields in complex societies. In truth, we feel that Theory, and the continuing line of ‘master thinkers’ who regularly appear particularly in the English- speaking world, is the last gasp of what used to be called First Philosophy. The philosopher ascends out of the city, Plato tells us, from whence she can espie the Higher Truth, which she must then bring back down to political earth. From outside the city, we can well imagine that she can see much more widely than her benighted political contemporaries. But from these philosophical heights, we can equally suspect that the ‘master thinker’ is also always in danger of passing over the salient differences and features of political life – differences only too evident to people ‘on the ground’. Political life, after all, is always a more complex affair than a bunch of ideologically duped fools staring at and enacting a wall (or ‘politically correct screen’) of ideologically produced illusions, from Plato’s timeless cave allegory to Žižek’s theory of ideology. We know that Theory largely understands itself as avowedly ‘post- metaphysical’. It aims to erect its new claims on the gravestone of First Philosophy as the West has known it. But it also tells us that people very often do not know what they do. And so it seems to us that too many of its proponents and their followers are mourners who remain in the graveyard, propping up the gravestone of Western philosophy under the sign of some totalising account of absolutely everything – enjoyment, différance, biopower . . . Perhaps the time has come, we would argue, less for one more would- be global, allpurpose existential and political Theory than for a multi- dimensional and interdisciplinary critical theory that would challenge the chaotic specialisation neoliberalism speeds up in academe, which mirrors and accelerates the splintering of the Left over the last four decades. This would mean that we would have to shun the hope that one method, one perspective, or one master thinker could single- handedly decipher all the complexity of socio- political life, the concerns of really existing social movements – which specifi cally does not mean mindlessly celebrating difference, marginalisation and multiplicity as if they could be suffi cient ends for a new politics. It would be to reopen critical theory and non- analytic philosophy to the other intellectual disciplines, most of whom today pointedly reject Theory’s legitimacy, neither reading it nor taking it seriously. A2 Ableism KFramework – they get their K and we get to weigh our aff – that's key to fairness since otherwise the neg moots aff offense – fairness outweighs and turns critical education since otherwise the aff can't contest the truth of their liberation strategyLink turn – neolib devalues disabled bodies –Neolib marks disabled people as useless because they aren't "productive workers" and thus have no utility in a market-driven societyNeolib prioritizes the individual at all costs, which makes social welfare and safety nets redundant – lack of healthcare, accessibility, and social welfare are a direct result of neolib's market logic which prioritizes laissez-faire economics over social good – that's Heron.Link turn – speech zoning excludes disabled people by forcing them to trek to an isolated spot on campus. Their link describes the status quo – one in which disabled people are barred from protests, which the aff solves by creating equal access to student activism.Link turn – student activism combats ableism on campusHadley 11 [Wanda Hadley (Assistant Professor of Educational Leadership in Higher Education at Western Mich U), "College Students with Disabilities: A Student Development Perspective," NEW DIRECTIONS FOR HIGHER EDUCATION, no. 154, Summer 2011] AZ The college environment for students with disabilities, however, does not include the same extent of support that is required in high school settings. College students with disabilities are covered by Section 504 of the Rehabilitation Act of 1973 and the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) of 1990 (see, e.g., AHEAD 2002; Heyward, this volume). Unlike the high school environment, however, it is the student’s responsibility to initiate requests for services in the postsecondary environment. When students make the transition to higher education, they are expected to contact the Office for Students with Disabilities (OSD), self-identify as a student with a disability, provide documentation of their disability and the accommodations needed, self-advocate to their instructors, and participate in the services that will support their academic progress. Such self-advocacy moves students with disabilities from a pattern of more passive dependent behavior to a more active and responsible role (Brinckerhoff, McGuire, and Shaw 2002; Hadley 2009; Hadley, Twale, and Evans 2003; Milsom and Hartley 2005). In order to successfully self-advocate, students should have a good understanding of their particular learning disability and the compensatory strategies that work best for them. Student development theory can be a useful framework to help administrators and service providers be more supportive when providing services, and to consider how the needs of students with disabilities may change throughout college. Perm do both – promote student activism on campus by removing zoning while also reforming the way we view the public/private distinction.Legislation is powerful – prefer political strategy rather than the non-strategy of their critiqueUN 7 [United Nations: Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Division for Social Policy and Development, "Overview of International Legal Frameworks For Disability Legislation," 2007, http://www.un.org/esa/socdev/enable/disovlf.htm] AZ Persons with disabilities often are excluded from the mainstream of the society and denied their human rights. Discrimination against persons with disabilities takes various forms, ranging from invidious discrimination, such as the denial of educational opportunities, to more subtle forms of discrimination, such as segregation and isolation because of the imposition of physical and social barriers. Effects of disability-based discrimination have been particularly severe in fields such as education, employment, housing, transport, cultural life and access to public places and services. This may result from distinction, exclusion, restriction or preference, or denial of reasonable accommodation on the basis of disablement, which effectively nullifies or impairs the recognition, enjoyment or exercise of the rights of persons with disabilities. Despite some progress in terms of legislation over the past decade, such violations of the human rights of persons with disabilities have not been systematically addressed in society. Most disability legislation and policies are based on the assumption that persons with disabilities simply are not able to exercise the same rights as non-disabled persons. Consequently the situation of persons with disabilities often will be addressed in terms of rehabilitation and social services. A need exists for more comprehensive legislation to ensure the rights of disabled persons in all aspects - political, civil, economic, social and cultural rights - on an equal basis with persons without disabilities. Appropriate measures are required to address existing discrimination and to promote thereby opportunities for persons with disabilities to participate on the basis of equality in social life and development. There also are certain cultural and social barriers that have served to deter full participation of persons with disabilities. Discriminatory practices against persons with disabilities thus may be the result of social and cultural norms that have been institutionalized by law. Changes in the perception and concepts of disability will involve both changes in values and increased understanding at all levels of society, and a focus on those social and cultural norms, that can perpetuate erroneous and inappropriate myths about disability. One of the dominant features of legal thinking in twentieth century has been the recognition of law as a tool of social change. Though legislation is not the only means of social progress, it represents one of the most powerful vehicles of change, progress and development in society. Legislation at country level is fundamental in promoting the rights of persons with disabilities. While the importance - and increasing role - of international law in promoting the rights of persons with disabilities is recognised by the international community, domestic legislation remains one of the most effective means of facilitating social change and improving the status of disabled persons. International norms concerning disability are useful for setting common standards for disability legislation. Those standards also need to be appropriately reflected in policies and programmes that reach persons with disabilities and can effect positive changes in their lives. Directory: file -> view view -> Western Europe after wwii view -> Author study: paul fleischman view -> Qpa1 7ela study Guide view -> Arctic Oil/Gas Neg view -> November 1970 Approximately 150,000-500,000 deaths Bhola Cyclone Bangladesh view -> Grade Level: 6 Unit of Study: Caribbean glce view -> Citation: Duffield, Katy view -> Table of Contents Lesson # view -> Chinese Wind Energy Disad Download 1.19 Mb. 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