Gonzaga Debate Institute 2011 Mercury China Coop Aff


China Weaponizing Now – ASAT (2/2)



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China Weaponizing Now – ASAT (2/2)



China is already developing a substantial ASAT capability

Kueter, George C Marshall Institute president, 7

(Jeff – President of the George C Marshall Institute: a DC Think Tank, China's Space Ambitions -- And Ours, New Atlantis, Pg. 7-22 No. 16, Lexis) AC



China's January ASAT demonstration followed years of work on a variety of related weapons. In September 2006, reports surfaced in the press that China had for several years successfully used ground-based lasers to blind U.S. reconnaissance satellites. These blinding tests seem intended to demonstrate the capability to pinpoint, track, and "illuminate" American spy satellites. Blinding a spy satellite's optical and infrared imaging systems could result in either temporary or permanent damage, depending upon the delivered power of the beam and the sensitivity and protections built into the satellite's sensors. (The United States first ran its own such laser tests a decade ago, when the Navy's ground-based Mid-Infrared Advanced Chemical laser was used to illuminate an aging Air Force satellite.) Strategically, such a capability could, for example, help the Chinese hide military preparations or prevent U.S. forces from responding in a timely fashion to a Chinese move against Taiwan. China's People's Liberation Army (PLA) is apparently developing techniques to jam other kinds of satellites as well. Articles in some PLA journals have discussed how broad-spectrum or narrow-frequency jamming can be used against navigation satellites; others have focused on jamming space-based radar, which is used (although not extensively) by the U.S. for military intelligence. There are also strong indications that the PLA is developing microsatellites that could collide with enemy satellites to damage and disable them. When seen in combination with the PLA's express interest in maneuverability and on-orbit rendezvous, the existence of the microsatellite program strongly suggests the Chinese are seriously investigating (and perhaps investing in) space-based ASATs. In a word, China is now unquestionably a first-tier space power, comparable to the United States and Russia. Not only does China have the capacity to exploit space for its own purposes, but the ASAT test demonstrated a Chinese capability to deny other nations that same capacity. This may be an emerging capability; it may be a limited one; but it is also now an actual, rather than potential, capability--and one with distinct diplomatic and political implications.

China’s ASAT efforts prove its leanings towards militarizing space

Sabathier, senior associate with the CSIS Technology and Public Policy Program, Faith, president of Sabathier Consulting for public and private aeronautics policy, 2011

(Vincent G., G. Ryan Faith, “The Global Impact of the Chinese Space Program,” World Politics Review, http://www.worldpoliticsreview.com/articles/8878/the-global-impact-of-the-chinese-space-program, May 17, Accessed July 1, 2011, NS)


Meanwhile, on the military side, China has clearly understood the role of space in military operations and is quietly developing these capabilities. Indeed, it has observed the great asymmetric advantage the U.S. was able to derive from these capabilities from the 1991 Gulf War onward. Perhaps even more importantly, it also understands the asymmetric vulnerability of the U.S. military's space-based assets. Anti-satellite (ASAT) warfare had been regarded as a strategic war-fighting relic of the Cold War. However, allegations about Chinese ASAT efforts, ranging from attempts to blind and jam satellites over the past 20 years to the 2007 demonstration of an active ASAT weapon, have shown that China continues to consider space to be a potential battleground. Globally, the space community remains at an impasse between Chinese and Russian efforts to pursue a space-weapons treaty, which the U.S. regards as being neither equitable nor verifiable, and the European Union's proposed Code of Conduct, which has received strong U.S. support but which the Chinese feel is a ploy intended to give a pass to U.S. missile defense efforts that could negate China's minimalist nuclear deterrent.



ASATs Bad – Impact Laundry List



A space war between China and the US would impact the US’s space heg, spark an arms race with other countries, spark a war between China and the US over Taiwan, and kill any treaty banning the weaponization of space

Seedhouse, aerospace scientist & PhD from German Space Agency's Institute of Space Medicine, 10

(Erik, “The New Space Race: China vs. the US” Springer and Praxis Publishing Co., http://www.scribd.com/doc/31809026/The-New-Space-Race-China-Vs, accessed: 6/30/11, SL)


Consequences of counter counter-space operations. It would seem that America's vast counter-counterspace capabilities mean China will likely lose any future conflict with the US, and lose badly. However, China's ASAT test is not an anomaly, but an attempt to develop counterspace weapons capable of constraining America's ability to exploit space in a conflict over Taiwan. Gradually. China's counterspace programs will develop and diversify, as Beijing endeavors to negate the operational advantages of Washington's space dominance. Regardless of whether Beijing's counterspace enterprise succeeds or fails, certain consequences are inevitable. Perhaps the most significant outcome is the death of any agreement banning the deployment, testing, and deployment of space weapons. Given that counterspace operations represent the best chance China has of asymmetrically defeating American military power, there is no way Beijing will agree to space arms control, despite its rhetoric to the contrary. In the absence of such an agreement. Washington and Beijing will be free to embark upon the deployment of weapons in LEO. GEO. and all points in between, in an arms race in space that will put the civilian space race to the Moon in the shade. A second consequence is the serious threat to American space dominance. Often taken for granted. US space dominance is now threatened by Chinese space-denial programs, exceeding those by Moscow at the peak of the Cold War in both diversity and depth. The US and the Soviet Union were peer competitors, with neither country being hostage to the fears accompanying the power transition that may occur between Beijing and Washington. Such a power transition represents a situation in which China fears being denied the opportunity to secure space domination and the US fears incipient loss of power and influence. To ensure and maintain space dominance, the US will undoubtedly accelerate investment in the areas of systems hardening, autonomous operations, and onboard active defenses. It will also probably build reserve satellites, rapid-response space-launch capabilities, and mobile control stations capable of managing LEO operations in the event of damage to primary control centers. Once again, the consequences of these actions will be an increase in the deployment of weapons in space. The third consequence is the growth of Chinese space capability as it attempts to ensure deterrence in the event of a conflict with the US over Taiwan. A robust Chinese counterspace capability means such a conflict could result in serious instabilities, perhaps even provoking Beijing to attack the US at the beginning of the conflict, in a "Space Pearl Harbor" approach.' Such an attack would inevitably cause the US to retaliate with pre-emptive attacks of its own. Lastly, the pursuit of lull Spectrum Dominance by the US marks the end of the era of detente. In the first iteration of the aims race, the US. Soviet Union. France. UK. and China adopted the theory of detente as a means of maintaining a nuclear stalemate and to prevent a nuclear exchange. Now, with the demise of the Soviet Union, the US is fashioning its own concept of international relations based on domination and superiority. As the US domination regime gal hers speed with the development of ever more sophisticated space weapons and the deployment of space




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