History
Figure 13: Prehistoric cave drawing (Abbou, 2005)
Archaeological evidence, including cave engravings (Figure 13) suggest that Figuig has been inhabited since as early as 5000bc, when the Sahara is thought to have been green. Though its history is poorly documented, most historians agree that Figuig was first settled by the Zenete Berbers who aggregated in small concentrations in mountain passes throughout the region (Benchrifa et al., 1992). The area eventually became home to numerous nomadic tribes including Beni Guil, Amour, Daoui Mania, Ouled Sidi Cheikh, and some factions of Hamyan. Other tribes, from the Hogar, Sanhaja, settled along the River Zouzfana and eventually settled in lower Figuig making it home. The Ksar of Zenaga (a linguistic derivative of Sanhaja, pronounced sanaga) was established, and eventually dominated Lower Figuig.
By channeling surface waters into an irrigation system supported by souaguis (canals), typical of Morocco, and living in concentrations around springs, including Tzadert (the largest spring), they were able to survive and prosper for what is assumed to be a period of thousands of years. The geographical location of the passes along the rivers Zouzfana-El-Hallouf, Tagla and the Melias, situated along the Jebel (mountain) Znaga to Ksar Beni Ounif in Algeria in the northern Sahara, allowed it to enjoy political independence for centuries, or even millennia (Abbou interviews, 2005).
To develop and secure its survival Zenaga eventually dug into the rocky cliff to build foggaras, that would redirect the water flow from the largest spring, Tzadert, toward the lower lands. The community was then able to develop and prosper with its prolific water source.
During the 11th century Figuig was transformed into an urban center as the family of Cheikh Aissa ben Abderrahmane, a cherif of the Idrisside dynasty declared the “country of Figuig” home (Hilali, 1981). The family had fled from Fez to the “frontier” to escape persecution. It assembled a strong coalition of federated groups among the nomads, mostly of the Zenete tribe, to become a socially, geographically, and politically independent “country”.(Hilali, 1981)
The Ben Abderrahmane family and its coalition partners established strong ties to Fez, the economic and cultural hub of its time. The people of Figuig began to travel to Fez and study at El Quaraouine University, the first known university, worldwide. At the same time, commerce with Fez also flourished and Figuig was able to import artesanal crafts such as advanced iron work, jewelry making, and leather work. Figuig’s relationship with Fez became so strong that during the Spanish inquisition, many Jews who had escaped to Fez eventually settled in Figuig. These joined the Berber Jews who had established themselves in Figuig some 2000 years before (Goblot, 1979).
By borrowing foggaras technology, from Zenaga, to access underground artesian water resources the newly arrived Arab population formed the Ksar Oudaghir along the highland plateau. The Oudaghir became very powerful within Figuig and presented a new threat to Zenaga’s dominant political position (Maziane, 1988).
Conflict between Zenaga and the Oudaghir over issues of water rights and access were pervasive. Each accused the other of depriving its community of water, Zenaga by channeling the flow to their advantage, and Oudaghir by trying to block the water flow into Zenaga. The two powerful Ksars were in constant conflict as each accused the other of interfering with the water source. These conflicts resulted in fierce, and often bloody disputes.
In the 17th Century the Ksar of Oudaghir taking advantage of its sherifian roots (descendents of the prophet Mohammed are called sherifians) and ties to Fez, solicited the Makhzen (central government of Morocco) to help them defeat Zenaga. This met with little success. Rather, the Makhzen took advantage of the opportunity for it to exercise its influence on Figuig, after years of central state authority being shunned by the self-reliant, independent oasis.
To maintain an authoritative presence in Figuig the Makhzen of Almohades sent the army of Ouled Jaber to Figuig and supplanted them around Tzadert, depriving both Zenaga and Oudaghir of water resources. Neither Ksar had the capability of challenging Ouled Jaber and the Almohade army. The eventual demise of the Almohade dynasty eventually resulted in Ouled Jaber losing Makhzen support (Benali, 1987).
In the interim the two competing Ksars joined forces to defend their established water rights. By acting as one powerful front they were eventually able to disperse the new Ksar in 1782 (El Hachemi, 1907). Once this outside force was defeated Ksars began a new series of infighting and eventually revived their previously adversarial relationship once again.
The oasis remained dynamic, nonetheless, during this period as a number of new tribes settled in Figuig. The oasis was molded by the conflicts among Ksars throughout the 18th and 19th century. Accordingly, the population of the lower basin (Zenaga) eventually gained the upper hand politically and hydrologically. The Ksar of Zenaga continued to grow as it absorbed other groups that came to Figuig (Berbers and Arabs alike).
Zenaga became dependant on the water of Tzadert which originated in the upper plateau, the Oudaghir territory. By gaining in number and power it was able to form a more influential front against Oudaghir to gain greater access to the water source. The contending interests resulted in a constant state of political and social competition that occasionally resulted in physical confrontation with one another. The resulting power balance has continued and influenced much of the history of Figuig.(Figuig Interviews, 2005)
Other Ksars eventually built their own foggaras to enable them to survive on the upper plateau (Oulad Slimane, El Maïz, Hammam Fougani, Hammam Tahtani, Laâbidate). The changes in infrastructure and power balance are significant in the evolutionary history of Figuig. The divisive factions resulted in 7 Ksars, these include: Oudaghir, Ouled Slimane, Oulad Lamaiz, Laabidate, Hammam al fougani, Hammam al tahtani, and Zenaga, and with separate palm groves as a result of the process of vying for resource control. Throughout modern history, powerful Ksars of Figuig attacked those that were socially, politically, and economically weaker to gain greater control of the water (Abbou interviews, 2005). The latter, would eventually surrender and leave the area or integrate into one of the established Ksars with whom they identified socially and politically.
This further complicated the political balance and disputes over water ownership and access. As water from springs is considered private property the issue of where the ownership originates provided for constant debate and even enduring hostilities.
Zenaga and Oudaghir took the rare step of referring an enduring water dispute again to the central court in Fez on two occasions, in 1865 and 1877. Zenaga claimed that Oudaghir was blocking the flow of water to Zenaga by sabotaging the foggara. Oudaghir claimed that water flow from Tzadert was dropping due to the foggara that was built by Zenaga. The court ruled in favor of Zenaga acknowledging their right to use the foggara while forbidding Oudaghir from any action that would prevent the water from flowing freely. The two factions agreed to devise a mutually sustaining solution by digging a trench and splitting the water flow in 2 to feed both Oudaghir and Zenaga. While this move seems to contradict Figuig’s drive for independence, it reveals a balance in governance and institutional support within and between Ksars and the national government of Morocco.
In 1912, France extended its power beyond its Algerian border and declared itself protectorate of Morocco. To secure its political control throughout the country Morocco was carefully divided into geographically defined regions and its border with Algeria clearly delineated. This provided for a new system of governance with well defined units of political control throughout the country. Whereby the King of Morocco tended to limit his control to the prosperous urban centers while leaving the rural communities a great deal of independence, the French authority extended its reach beyond the urban centers and into rural communities. The French, however were able to maintain influence but limit their control of local institutions. Such political reach could now reign in the powers of local communities beyond the economic and commercial centers.
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