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Water Access

Figure 6: Foggara

Figuig was established during the same cultural era as the oases of Grand Occidental Erg (Touat, Gourara, Tidikelt) whose prosperity coincides with the diffusion of the foggara or quanat technology of Iranian origin (Capot-Rey, 1953, Bisson, 1957, Grandguillame, 1973, Rouvillois-Brigol, 1973). There is, however, some linguistic evidence that shows that Figuig may have adopted its technology from the Hoggar, deep in the Sahara, where many ancestral tribes of Figuig’s Ksars migrated from 2000 years before (Foucauld, 1918, Goblot, 1979). Figure 6 is a schematic diagram of the foggara principle. A tunnel is dug along the hill or mountain to capture the underground water and channel it towards lower farm lands. Vertical wells are dug to provide access from the surface to the tunnel for maintenance. These wells serve, also, as air intake to facilitate the flow of water. They also capture surface and rain water to support the flow of the foggara. Water derived from the foggara is captured in pools and distributed to its owners through an intricate system of canals and switching stations. While it is unclear how water ownership was first determined, many families who participated in the building of the foggara gained water shares as participants in the process.(Gassem, 1986).

Water distribution is overseen by a number of trustees called Asraïfi. Water owners (called Achris) entrust their water to the asraïfi who ensures its equitable distribution to the owners’ farms as well as to those who purchase water from the owner. The asraïfi is charged with ensuring that water is collected from a foggara and held in a collection pool before distribution. He is then responsible for the water reaching the farm. This is considered a very difficult task that demands experience and extensive knowledge as there are few written records. Figure 7 shows a schematic of the switching water station of Equoudas (Bencherifa et al., 1992). Given the demands of this very important position the asraïfi is paid 5 minutes of water per kharouba(1 kharouba = 45 minutes of water flow) (Figuig interviews, 2005).

Figure 7: Water switching station Equoudas (Bencherifa, 1992)

Water is metered using a time unit called a kharouba, which represents 45 minutes of water flow. Because the flow from the Foggara varies depending on rain fall levels, as well as the decline of the aquifer, timed water flow, as opposed to volume, ensures a more equitable distribution system. Asraïfis rely, however, on volume when storing people’s water in their pools. They use a stick with markers that show the levels at which to start and stop the flow to each owner. They frequently calibrate their measuring sticks to ensure accuracy, as water flow fluctuates in the Foggara (Figuig interviews, 2005).

This system of foggaras, pools, and canals, gave the Ksar of Zenaga a tremendous advantage as its location in lower Figuig allowed the force of gravity to accelerate water flow. The other Ksars, all located in upper Figuig, had to rely on pumps to extract water from the foggaras. This geographical advantage, provides a simplified explanation as to the relative prosperity of the Ksar of Zenaga. Figure 8 illustrates water ownership, whereby Zenaga owns 39% of all spring water in Figuig. Figure 9 represents the percentage of farm ownership in Figuig of each Ksar, Zenaga for example, owns 52% of all farm land. (Official Bulletin, 1975)

Figure 8: Water quantity ownership per Ksar

Water is distributed along three types of canals: 1. The khattarate which are underground canals such as the foggaras that end at the water switching stations, equoudas. 2. The principle canals, atoual, extend from equoudas to the pools. They are robust as they were originally built with gypsum, and later reinforced with concrete. They are typically 50cm to 60cm wide and 40cm to 50cm deep. These canals may go through a few switching stations whereby the size of the canal diminishes after every switching station. 3. Secondary canals link pools to the farms. These are normally poorly built resulting in great water loss. According to Zenaga’s Community Judge Ahmed Bouakka, anyone may build a canal(s) through any property if necessary to bring water from the source to a farm or household.(Figuig Interviews, 2005) Social and legal friction is common as some farm owners contest the right of another to construct canals on their property or perform repairs to these canals. This became increasingly common as water owners attempt to fortify their traditional canals, constructed with ground soil, with concrete to prevent excess water loss.(Figuig Interviews, 2005) According to Bouakka, this is one of the more typical cases he oversees today.

Figure 9: Farm land percentage ownership per Ksar

Agriculture

A great appreciation for its natural resources and a culture of environmental sensitivity, along with careful long-term planning has allowed the community to maintain prolific palm groves, making dates the agricultural staple of the oasis. Figuig produces approximately 1700 tons of dates per year, the largest date production in Morocco.(Gassem, 1986) Additionally, each farmer grows what he can under the shade of his palm trees. The palm, while producing valuable, nutrient rich alimentation, also provides shade.

The inherent value of the palm has, thus maintained its prominent status as the core of agricultural production. There are also, approximately, 9000 productive olive trees, in addition to the many other fruit trees and vegetable crops that grow amongst the palms.(Gassem, 1986) Traditional farming methods maintain the three tier structure (Figure 10) whereby the palm is placed at the center, fruit trees encircle the palm and vegetables surround the smaller trees helps to preserve a level of moisture by limiting evaporation, thus requiring less water use. Carefully rotating crops relative to the position of the palms, also allows farmers to harvest crops throughout the year from the same land.

Figure 10: Three tier structure

Given the finite nature of its resource base the production yield of the land can not always meet the needs of the individuals and groups dependant on it. Members of the community have traditionally supplemented their needs by trading goods with those from merchants passing along the caravan routes. In recent years there has become an increased dependence on imported goods including vegetables, cereals and other necessary foods, along with luxury items. The nomads in the region further supplement the needs of the community by trading wool, meat, milk products and fertilizer.

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