Action
1. Awareness and distribution of El Plan Espiritual de Aztlan. Presented at every meeting, demonstration, confrontation, courthouse, institution, administration, church, school, tree, building, car, and every place of human existence.
2. September 16, on the birthdate of Mexican Independence, a national walk-out by all Chicanos of all colleges and schools to be sustained until the complete revision of the educational system: its policy makers, administration, its curriculum, and its personnel to meet the needs of our community.
3. Self-Defense against the occupying forces of the oppressors at every school, every available man, woman, and child.
4. Community nationalization and organization of all Chicanos: El Plan Espiritual de Aztlan.
5. Economic program to drive the exploiter out of our community and a welding together of our people's combined resources to control their own production through cooperative effort.
6. Creation of an independent local, regional, and national political party.
A nation autonomous and free - culturally, socially, economically, and politically- will make its own decisions on the usage of our lands, the taxation of our goods, the utilization of our bodies for war, the determination of justice (reward and punishment), and the profit of our sweat. El Plan de Aztlan is the plan of liberation!
EXCERPTS FROM “EL PLAN DE SANTA BARBARA,” MOVIMIENTO ESTUDIANTIL CHICANO(A) DE AZTLAN (M.E.C.H.A.), 1969
For all peoples, as with individuals, the time comes when they must reckon with their history. For the Chicano the present is a time of renaissance, of renacimiento. (rebirth) Our people and our community, el barrio and la colonia, (neighborhood) are expressing a new consciousness and a new resolve. Recognizing the historical tasks confronting our people and fully aware of the cost of human progress, we pledge our will to move. We will move forward toward our destiny as a people. We will move against those forces which have denied us freedom of expression and human dignity. Throughout history the quest for cultural expression and freedom has taken the form of a struggle. Our struggle, tempered by the lessons of the American past, is an historical reality.
For decades Mexican people in the United States have struggled to realize the ''American Dream''. And some, a few, have. But the cost, the ultimate cost of assimilation, required turning away from el barrio and la colonia. In the meantime, due to the racist structure of this society, to our essentially different life style, and to the socio-economic functions assigned to our community by Anglo-American society - as suppliers of cheap labor and a dumping ground for the small-time capitalist entrepreneur- the barrio and colonia remained exploited, impoverished, and marginal.
As a result, the self-determination of our community is now the only acceptable mandate
for social and political action; it is the essence of Chicano commitment. Culturally, the word Chicano, in the past a pejorative and class-bound adjective, has now become the root idea of a new cultural identity for our people. …The widespread use of the term Chicano today signals a rebirth of pride and confidence. Chicanismo simply embodies an ancient truth: that a person is never closer to his/her true self as when he/she is close to his/her community.
Chicanismo draws its faith and strength from two main sources: from the just struggle of
our people and from an objective analysis of our community's strategic needs. We recognize that without a strategic use of education, an education that places value on what we value, we will not realize our destiny. Chicanos recognize the central importance of institutions of higher learning to modern progress, in this case, to the development of our community. But we go further: we believe that higher education must contribute to the information of a complete person who truly values life and freedom.
For the Movement, political action essentially means influencing the decision-making process of those institutions which affect Chicanos, the university, community organizations, and non-community institutions. Political action encompasses the elements which function in a progression: political consciousness, political mobilization, and tactics. Each part breaks down into further subdivisions.
The result of… domestic colonialism is that the barrios and colonias are dependent communities with no institutional power base and significantly influencing decision-making. Within the last decade, a limited degree of progress has taken place in securing a base of power within educational institutions.
…Commitment to the struggle for Chicano liberation is the operative definition of the ideology used here. Chicanismo involves a crucial distinction in political consciousness between a Mexican American (or Hispanic) and a Chicano mentality. The Mexican American or Hispanic is a person who lacks self-respect and pride in one's ethnic and cultural background. Thus, the Chicano acts with confidence and with a range of alternatives in the political world. He is capable of developing an effective ideology through action.
…M.E.Ch.A. is a first step to tying the student groups throughout the Southwest into a vibrant and responsive network of activists who will respond as a unit to oppression and racism and will work in harmony when initiating and carrying out campaigns of liberation for our people. … The spirit of M.E.Ch.A. must be one of hermandad (brotherhood) and cultural awareness.
The ethic of profit and competition, of greed and intolerance, which the Anglo society offers, must be replaced by our ancestral communalism and love for beauty and justice.
M.E.Ch.A. must bring to the mind of every young Chicano that the liberation of this people from prejudice and oppression is in his hands and this responsibility is greater than personal achievement and more meaningful than degrees, especially if they are earned at the expense of his identity and cultural integrity.
M.E.Ch.A., then, is more than a name; it is a spirit of unity, of brotherhood, and a resolve to undertake a struggle for liberation in society where justice is but a word. M.E.Ch.A. is a means to an end. .
M.E.Ch.A. must be able to relate to all segments of the barrio, from the middle-class assimilationists to the vatos locos. (crazy men)
Obviously, every barrio has its particular needs, and M.E.Ch.A. people must determine with the help of those in the barrio where they can be most effective. There are, however, some general areas which M.E.Ch.A. can involve itself. Some of them are:
Policing social and governmental agencies to make them more responsive in a humane and dignified way to the people of the barrio.
Carrying out research on the economic and credit policies of merchants in the barrio and exposing fraudulent and exorbitant establishments.
Speaking and communicating with junior high and high school students… supporting their actions.
Spreading the message of the movement by any media available.
Exposing discrimination in hiring and renting practices and many other areas
It may mean at times having to work in conjunction with other organizations. If this is the case and the project is one begun by the other organization, realize that M.E.Ch.A. is there as a supporter and should accept the direction of the group involved. Do not let loyalty to an organization cloud responsibility to a greater force - la Causa.
Working in the barrio is an honor, but is also a right because we come from these people, and… mutual respect between the barrio and the college group should be the rule. Understand at the same time, however, that there will initially be mistrust and often envy on the part of some in the barrio for the college student. This mistrust must be broken down by a demonstration of affection for the barrio and La Raza through hard work and dedication. If the approach is one of a dilettante or of a Peace Corps volunteer, the people will know it and act accordingly. If it is merely a cathartic experience to work among the unfortunate in the barrio - stay out.
Of the community, for the community. Por la Raza habla el espiritu (Through the Race the Spirit Speaks).
ESSAY #3 ARGUING A THESIS
Throughout American history immigration and anti-immigrant sentiment has been a major issue. While immigration of some Asian groups was restricted in the late 19th and early 20th century there were no global, generalized restrictions until 1917, 1921, and 1924. Since these restrictions have been in place, one can speak of legal and illegal immigration to the United States. Common parlance often refers to illegal immigrants in the US today as “undocumented residents.”
In the last several decades there have been three major efforts to address border security, legal immigration, and the status of the undocumented.
In 1986 Congress, during the administration of Ronald Reagan, passed the Immigration Reform and Control Act, which addressed issues of border security and provided amnesty to 3,000,000 undocumented residents.
In 2007, during the administration of George W. Bush, Congress failed to pass the Comprehensive Reform Immigration Act, which would have provided amnesty (legalization) and a path to citizenship for approximately 12,000,000 undocumented residents and enhanced border security.
And in 2013 the Senate, guided by eight of its most respected members, passed but the House of Representatives failed to pass the Border Security, Economic Opportunity, and Immigration Modernization Act. This legislation would have allowed millions of undocumented residents to gain green cards and eventually—after thirteen years—obtain citizenship. It would have also put in place a mandatory workplace verification system for employers; implemented a program to give visas to lesser skilled workers; and shifted the legal immigration system away from a family-based system to one based on work skills.
In 2013 the White House strongly supported the immigration bill and in late 2014, in response to Congress’ failure to once again pass immigration reform, President Obama issued an Executive Order protecting up to 5,000,000 undocumented residents from deportation because of their status, an act which Republican leaders argued was an overreach of presidential authority and unconstitutional, citing the Constitution, Article 1, Section 8, which gives Congress the authority to determine how an immigrant can become naturalized.
While the question of immigration reform that includes legalization of the status of undocumented residents and a path to eventual citizenship is not strictly partisan (there are Democrats and Republicans on both sides of the issue), the issue is largely seen today as one of major difference between the nation’s two political parties.
Read the following documents on immigration:
SUPPORTING LEGALIZATION OF UNDOCUMENTED RESIDENTS AND EVENTUAL CITIZENSHIP
Excerpts from Fixing Our Broken Immigration System: A Path to Citizenship, The White House, 2013
President Obama’s Speech on Immigration, 2014
OPPOSING LEGALIZATION OF UNDOCUMENTED RESIDENTS AND EVENTUAL CITIZENSHIP
Republican Party Platform on “Immigration,” 2012
Excerpts from Senator Jeff Sessions’ Handbook on Immigration for the Republican Majority, 2015
Then, please support ONE of the following theses:
Congress needs to pass immigration legislation that will approve the objectives of President Obama’s 2014 Executive Order and ,further, should provide undocumented residents with legal status and a path to citizenship because it is the right thing to do morally, it will benefit the nation’s economy and institutions and it will improve our fiscal stability.
OR
Congress should not pass immigration legislation that will approve the objectives of President Obama’s 2014 Executive Order and, further, should not at this time provide undocumented residents with legal status and a path to citizenship because it is not the right thing to do morally, it will harm the nation’s economy and institutions, and will have a negative impact on our fiscal stability.
In preparing your essay you might consider the following questions:
* What moral arguments did the White House use to support legalization and a path to citizenship for undocumented residents in 2013? What moral argument did the Republican Platform in 2012 take on the issue of legalization of undocumented residents?
*What were the reasons President Obama felt that his Executive Order was needed in 2014 and why did Republicans strongly oppose it?
* What are the economic rationales for each side on the issue of legalization and/or a path to citizenship?
* What would the impact of proposed legalization and/or a path to citizenship be on both civil society and institutions, according to each side?
* What historical events or facts does each side use to support its viewpoint?
* How does each side use the status of border enforcement to support its position?
* How does each side use public opinion to supports its position?
In setting forth your thesis, keep in mind the following events discussed in the textbook and lectures during the semester, and how they relate to American attitudes on immigration and the views of the documents’ authors.
Nativist anti-immigrant sentiment from 1880- 1920
Social Darwinism
Chinese Exclusion Act 1882
Gentlemen’s Agreement 1907
Anti-German sentiment during World War I
Emergency Quota Act 1921
Immigration Act 1924
Relocation of Japanese-Americans during World War II
Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965
EXCERPTS FROM “FIXING OUR BROKEN IMMIGRATION SYSTEM: THE ECONOMIC BENEFITS OF PROVIDING A PATH TO CITIZENSHIP,” WHITE HOUSE 2013
“We all know that today we have an immigration system that’s out of date and badly broken…. But for comprehensive immigration reform to work, it must be clear from the outset that there is a pathway to citizenship. We’ve got to lay out a path—a process that includes a background check, paying taxes, paying a penalty, learning English, and then going to the back of the line, behind all the folks who are trying to come here legally, That’s only fair. So that means it won’t be a quick process but it will be a fair process. And it will lift these individuals out of the shadows and give them a chance to earn their way to a green card and eventually to citizenship.” President Barack Obama, January 29, 2013
Today, there are 11 million undocumented immigrants living and working in the shadow economy. At the same time, too many employers hire undocumented workers, undercutting businesses that play by the rules. Neither is good for the economy or the country.
The bipartisan Border Security, Economic Opportunity and Immigration Modernization Act (S. 744) passed by the Senate is an opportunity for our country to finally fix its broken immigration system. This commonsense legislation, drafted and supported by both Democrats and Republicans, has four pillars: (1) continue to strengthen our borders; (2) crack down on companies that hire undocumented workers; (3) hold undocumented immigrants accountable before they can earn their citizenship by requiring them to pass background checks, pay penalties and their taxes, learn English, and go to the back of the line; and (4) streamline the legal immigration system for families, workers, and employers.
A majority of Americans support a path to earned citizenship. However, some in Congress have suggested that immigration reform should provide only legal status, without any opportunity for those who are getting on the right side of the law to earn their way to citizenship. This “legalization- only” approach violates a basic principle of our country: that anyone, no matter where they came from, can become an American citizen if they’re willing to work for it and take on the responsibilities of citizenship. We cannot afford a system that creates a group which can never become fully American, denying equal rights to people who pay the same taxes and play by the same rules even after they've paid a penalty and gotten on the right side of the law.
While the bipartisan bill passed by the Senate creates a path to earned citizenship, the path is long, and by no means easy. No one would automatically gain citizenship, but rather only those that meet several criteria – including paying penalties, fines, and their taxes, learning English, passing extensive background checks, and going to the back of the line – would have the opportunity to earn citizenship.
Our country is stronger when everyone has a stake, everyone pays their taxes and fulfills their responsibilities, and everyone is equally invested in our common future. It makes no sense to tell a major and sizeable group of people who are willing to work hard, learn English, pay taxes, and raise American children that they can never have access to full citizenship in this country. Indeed, this would undercut the very values that make our country strong.
An approach to immigration reform that leaves out a path to earned citizenship would jeopardize not only a core principle underlying commonsense immigration reform but also some of its economic and fiscal benefits. As highlighted in this report, a range of economic research has shown that the roughly 11 million immigrants living and working in the United States without authorization are earning far less than their potential, paying much less in taxes, and contributing significantly less to the U.S. economy than they would if they were given the opportunity to gain legal status and earn U.S. citizenship. And in particular, this research has shown the significant economic costs – in terms of lost growth, earnings, tax revenues, and jobs – associated with failing to provide a path to earned citizenship for these families. Moreover, the “legalization-only” approach would apparently impose so many restrictions on the legal status available to current undocumented immigrants that many might be afraid to come forward. Thus, they might also jeopardize the economic gains that come from bringing undocumented workers out of the shadows.
Economists, business leaders, and American workers agree – we must take advantage of this historic opportunity to fix our broken immigration system in a comprehensive way. To this end, the President urges the House of Representatives to take action and stands willing to work with all parties to make sure that common sense immigration reform becomes a reality as soon as possible.
This report highlights the economic benefits of citizenship – and what it would cost the country if we were to fail to provide a path to earned citizenship to millions of legalizing workers.
ECONOMIC BENEFITS OF A PATH TO CITIZENSHIP
Citizenship comes with rights but also responsibilities. According to the Migration Policy Institute, every immigrant-receiving country in the industrialized world provides a route. for immigrants to become citizens. This process typically requires naturalizing immigrants to demonstrate that they have achieved a certain level of integration into the host society by meeting a set of eligibility criteria to apply for citizenship. The annual number of people who have naturalized has continued to increase over the last several decades, with an average of 680,00 naturalizing between 2000 and 2009. In 2012, there were approximately 757,000 U.S. naturalizations. Creating a path to earned citizenship will allow us to continue in our rich tradition as a nation of immigrants and a nation of laws. This legacy has made the United States to be the envy of the world and a global economic engine.
The independent Social Security Actuary (SSA), nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office (CBN) and others have estimated that undocumented immigrants will pay more in both federal and state taxes once they can come out of the shadows and work legally, in part because legal status leads to a rise in income. According to the CBO, the additional taxes paid by new and legalizing immigrants would not only offset the cost of the Senate immigration bill but would be substantial enough to reduce the deficit by nearly $850 billion over the next twenty years. And because providing an earned path to citizenship would allow currently undocumented workers to work above board, the Institute for Taxation and Economic Policy estimates that they would pay as much as $2 billion per year in additional sate and local taxes—beyond the $11 billion in taxes these workers already pay each year.
Research shows that citizenship yields even greater economic benefits than legalization. The Migration Policy Institute has found that, between 1993 and 2010, naturalized citizens earned between 50 and 70 percent more than non-citizens, and also were employed at higher rates in 2010 and 2011. Most of the wage difference is explained by the fact that naturalized immigrants have, on average, higher educational achievement, better English language ability, higher representation in high-wage sectors, and more work experience in the U.S. … a number of studies have found that citizenship itself is associated with an additional boost in wages of 5 percent or more…. This Is documented both in studies that compare naturalized immigrants to non-citizen legal residents with the same demographic characteristics, education, language skills, and work experience in the United States, and in studies that examine how immigrants’ earnings change after naturalization.
The economic benefits of providing a path to earned citizenship compared to legal status alone, 2013-2022
* US GDP +569 billion gross domestic product by 2022
Total Income +321 billion in additional income for all Americans by
2022
Federal/State taxes +75 billion more taxes paid by undocumented immigrants
New jobs +820,000 more jobs for all U.S. workers
Source: “The Economic Effects of Granting Legal Status and Citizenship to Undocumented Immigrants,” Center for American Progress, March, 2013.
CITIZENSHIP AND IMMIGRANT EARNINGS
Research suggests that citizenship provides significant economic and practical benefits to workers, families, and the U.S. economy. Indeed, a number of studies have identified a statistically significant relationship between naturalization and increased earnings, employment, and purchasing power, which bring concomitant benefits for the overall economy….
ECONOMY-WIDE BENEFITS OF PROVIDING A PATH TO EARNED CITIZENSHIP
…As Lynch and Oakford note in their study, those (wage) gains (from naturalized status) are not enjoyed only by the workers themselves: “The resulting productivity and wage gains ripple through the economy because immigrants are not just workers—they are also consumers and taxpayers. They will spend their increased earnings on the purchase of food, clothing, housing, cars, and computers. That spending, in turn, will stimulate demand in the economy for more products and services, which creates jobs and expands the economy.”
…while a “legalization-only” approach would have some positive economic impacts, providing citizenship would yield far greater economic benefits…. …the scenario (over a ten year period) in which immigrants are granted legal status only would increase cumulative gross domestic product by $832 billion, increase cumulative personal income by $470 billion, result in $109 billion in additional state and federal taxes paid by currently undocumented workers, and lead to 1.2 million new jobs (while the scenario) granting citizenship was estimated to increase gross domestic product by $1.4 trillion, increase cumulative personal income by $791 billion, result in $184 billion in additional state and federal taxes paid by currently undocumented workers, and lead to 2 million new jobs compared to the status quo.
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