Human rights in Russia Sochi 2014 Winter Olympics: Not just games



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Unresolved conflicts
The first Chechen war began in 1994. It was about separatism and there was a temporary solution in 1996, when the then President of Russia, Boris Yeltsin, and Chechen leader Aslan Maskhadov signed a peace agreement.
According to the Russian organisation Memorial, between 30,000 and 50,000 civilians and up to 6,000 members of the Russian security forces were killed in the first war.
A new war began in the autumn of 1999 after Putin became the leader of Russia. He portrayed it as a war on terrorism. Once again there were also major losses. Between 15,000 and 25,000 civilians were killed along with up to 6,000 of the security forces. Around 3,000 people also "disappeared", Memorial says.
Fighting terrorism, which received increased international support after 11 September 2001, boosted Putin's popularity. Putin was perceived by many people as someone who could bring order. But it hasn't turned out that way. The 24/7 internet agency Caucasian Knot has produced an overview of acts of terrorism in Russia since 2000. According to the overview 122 suicide bombers, 52 of whom were women, have participated in 80 acts of terrorism. 1,201 people were killed and 3,240 injured.6 The most disturbing thing about the overview is that the terrorism is not tending to decrease.
Since Kadyrov became president of Chechnya in 2007 the authorities there have relied on tough tactics and killed or forced out moderate leaders whom they could have negotiated with. In doing so they have promoted the radicalisation of the rebels. On the surface Chechnya looks better off, with new construction projects and major financial transfers from Moscow. But under the surface it's smouldering.
Using fighting terrorism as a cover, the authorities have cancelled local elections and restricted freedom of expression and civil society. They portray the conflict as black and white and only permit critical voices to a limited extent or depict the critics as extremists.
Many journalists and activists have been killed because they have written about sensitive issues in Chechnya. The most well-known are Anna Politkovskaya and Natalia Estemirova. The wars in Chechnya and the ongoing conflicts in North Caucasus have also led to a major flow of refugees to Europe and internally within Russia. Russia has been convicted by the European Court of Human Rights in a large number of cases from Chechnya, including for torture and disappearances.
Compared to neighbouring republics there is now a certain authoritarian stability in Chechnya. Relatives of members of illegal military groups, friends or people suspected of having assisted them are abducted or arrested. They are still often subjected to torture or end up being killed.
As the military groups largely sail under the flag of radical Islam, religious young men and in some cases women are arrested by the authorities. This often happens with no legal basis. Unemployment is another factor which contributes to young people joining the armed groups.
The position of women in Chechnya has worsened in recent years, including being ordered to wear headdresses and honour killings of women.7
Over the last 10 years the conflicts have spread from Chechnya to Ingushetia, Kabardino-Balkaria and particularly Dagestan, while the rebels have been radicalised. Shootings and killings take place and the authorities initiate a large number of counter-terrorism operations. They take place in a similar way as in Chechnya. People suspected of cooperating with rebels and their families are subjected to arrest, torture and even extra-judicial executions.
On 18 December 2013 Chechnya's president declared that Umarov died a long time ago.8 This was the eighth time that rebel leader Umarov has been declared dead. But there are many indications that he is still planning acts of terrorism in Sochi or elsewhere in Russia.

The terrorism continues
Terrorism which takes place in other parts of Russia but is linked to the conflicts in North Caucasus is nothing new. The two most well-known examples are the actions at the Dubrovka Theatre in Moscow in 2002 and in Beslan in 2004. In 2011 Doku Umarov was behind an act of terrorism at Domodedovo Airport in Moscow in which 37 people lost their lives.9
The attacks in Volgograd at the end of December 2013 are probably linked to the winter games in Sochi but can also be viewed in the context of the ongoing spread of the conflicts in North Caucasus.
In May 2012 the Federal Security Service (FSB) announced that it had discovered terror plans and weapons in Abkhazia which targeted the winter games. It was believed that Umarov was behind the plans and that he was receiving help from the Georgian security services. The Georgian authorities denied that there was such a link.10
There may be many reasons why Russia has not succeeded in combating the terrorism. In our opinion one important reason for the authorities' lack of success is that they have not based their counter-terrorism strategy on human rights. The brutality of the terrorism is countered by state brutality, often also including arbitrary and collective punishment of the suspect's family.
Dialogue with the terrorists is also ruled out or is only used to buy time. This applies during hostage dramas such as those at the Dubrovka Theatre in Moscow in 2002 and in Beslan in 2004, but also as an overall strategy. There is no attempt to involve radical elements in political processes. There was admittedly some such attempts in Dagestan when Dmitri Medvedev was president from 2008-2012, but under Putin it is harsh measures that count.
The authorities have used the preparations for the Olympics as part of a grandiose attempt to modernise Russia. The Sochi games will portray an image of a Russia distinguished by efficiency, modern technology and seamless organisation.
Russia's way of handling conflicts needs radical change to just as great an extent.

Counter-terrorism in Sochi
In August 2013 President Putin signed an order "On the special use of increased security measures in the period of the hosting of the 22nd Olympic and the 11th Paralympic Games 2014 in Sochi".11 According to the order, which applies from 7 January to 21 March 2014, it will be forbidden for non-local transport to drive into the Olympic Games areas without special accreditation.
Sochi will be split into zones with various entrances for various categories of people and only after they have been checked by the police or other security forces. An individual pass has been introduced for spectators after they have been checked by the FSB.
One of the main challenges has been to check local use of cars, partly because many people drive cars bought in Abkhazia with Abkhazian number plates. The authorities have announced that they will increase public transport provision during the winter games, reducing the need to use private cars. A range of institutions including kindergartens and schools will be closed during the games.
Drones will be used for surveillance and the use of mobile phones by athletes and accredited journalists will be monitored.
In August 2013 the authorities introduced a total ban on all demonstrations in Sochi in the period from 7 February to 21 March 2014, but this was amended in December 2013. Instead the new regulations provided for so-called "protest zones" to be set up, as they were during the summer games in Beijing in 2008.12
On 4 January 2014 it became known that Putin had given in to pressure from the IOC and will now allow demonstrations and political displays at the Olympic facilities and along the roads which lead to the facilities. However, permission must be sought from the local authorities, local law enforcement agencies and the Federal Security Service (the FSB) and there are limits on how many people can participate.13
From 10 to 30 November 2013 the counter-terrorism exercise "2014 Olympics" was held in the Krasnodar region and in the Republic of Adygea. This involved the local population, tourists and journalists (including Norwegian TV2's reporter Øystein Bogen14) being subjected to extensive security checks and interrogations. According to Russian sources the local population were not informed about the exercise in advance, and the police and security forces conducted themselves rudely and unprofessionally.15
When the Russian security forces are searching for terrorists from North Caucasus they often refer to "Caucasian" appearance. Ahead of the winter games the security forces face a new challenge when it comes to identifying terrorists who are not Caucasians but converts to radical Islam. The terrorist actions in Volgograd on 29 December 2013 are said to have been executed by such Russian converts.
Treatment of minorities and immigrants
People belonging to more than 50 different ethnic groups live in the Krasnodar region. Even though the situation here is peaceful compared to parts of North Caucasus, earlier conflicts have left their mark. Discrimination and other abuses of immigrants are unfortunately very much a reality.
Ahead of the winter games Adyghe or Circassians, as they are often called, in particular have put forward demands to settle scores for the abuses which occurred in the Caucasian wars between 1817 and 1864. In 2014 it is 150 years since the end of that period of fierce conflict between advancing Russian forces and North Caucasian military groups, including Circassians. The Ottoman Empire also participated in the clashes from time to time.
The Caucasian wars were mainly about Russia's conquest of new territories in North Caucasus. Russian military units were particularly violent in the final phase. They burned down a large number of Circassian villages and put the survivors in camps where the conditions were particularly bad.16
It is claimed that as many as 400,000 Circassians were killed, while half a million fled to other parts of Russia or to Turkey, Syria, Jordan and other countries. Their descendants demand recognition that genocide was committed against the Circassian population.17
However, local Circassians are asking for dialogue with the Russian authorities, that they be mentioned during the Olympic opening ceremony and for increased rights as a minority.18 At the end of December 2013 11 activists who are fighting for the Circassians' rights as a minority were arrested and interrogated, ostensibly as part of combating extremism.19
While the Circassians feel that their demands are being ignored the governor of the Krasnodar region, Aleksander Tkachev, has revived another group, the Cossacks, who have been in the region since the 19th century and are known for their military skills. On 1 September 2012 the governor launched an initiative to establish his own Cossack groups to ensure that immigrants leave Krasnodar. Around 65 such groups have been established to patrol the region.
Tkachev emphasises that all immigrants must leave Sochi.20 The Cossacks have also been used in association with the winter games to forcibly deport foreign workers who have helped build the Olympic facilities.21 Memorial estimates that around 3,000 foreign workers have been forced to leave the region since the campaign to remove them began.

LGBTs without protection
The Olympics in Sochi have helped to train the world's spotlight on the discrimination suffered by lesbians, homosexuals, bisexuals and transsexuals (LGBTs) in contemporary Russia. Russian society in general shows little acceptance of homosexuals' rights. Common views are that homosexuality is an illness or the result of a bad environment. Opinion surveys show that over 70% of the population have negative attitudes to homosexuals. However, attitudes are more positive among younger people and the well-educated.22
Public demonstrations arranged by LGBT organisations often end with nationalists and Orthodox activists cooperating to attack the police while the police remain passive.

From a demonstration in St Petersburg.
On 30 June 2013 President Putin signed an amendment to the law on protecting children from information which is damaging to their health and development. The amendment to the law forbids so-called propaganda about non-traditional sexual relations to minors. The penalties are fines of up to 1,550 American dollars for public-sector employees and up to 155 dollars for private individuals. Organisations can be fined up to 31,000 dollars.23
The law applies both to Russian citizens and foreigners who speak out in Russia, even though the penalties are lower for foreigners. In principle, therefore, it can be used against all participants or spectators at the games in Sochi. The Russian authorities have admittedly declared that the law will not be applied during the games, but there is reason to question the credibility of such promises. It may be that the authorities will be reserved about enforcing the legal ban while the games are taking place, but that after the games the persecution of Russian LGBTs will intensify.
On 3 July 2013 President Putin signed a law which forbids the adoption of Russian children if the adoptive parents are in a same-sex relationship. The ban also applies to single adoptive parents in countries which have same-sex marriage laws.
In September 2013 a bill to deprive homosexuals of parental rights was presented to the Duma. Although the bill was met with critical objections there is a risk that the bill will be passed in the course of 2014.
The Russian organisation Agora has recently published a report about 58 attacks on LGBTs which it has investigated. According to the report there are around 7 million LGBTs in Russia. What they have in common is that they are not protected by the police and prosecuting authorities. Complaints are not registered and attacks are not investigated.24
There are many indications that the anti-propaganda law and the lack of investigation of individual cases are perceived by extremist groups as a signal that hate crime and violence against LGBTs are acceptable. A hate-crime monitoring centre, SOVA, has documented that violent attacks on LGBTs by such groups have increased in the past year. The organisation associates this with restrictive new legislation which limits the rights of civil society in general and LGBTs and LGBT organisations in particular.25
The Russian media participate in spreading the authorities' homophobic views. Recently human rights activists taking part in a meeting at the Holiday Inn in St Petersburg, where the potential effects of the winter games for LGBTs in Russia were discussed, experienced a recording of parts of the meeting being broadcast on the state TV channel Rossiya. This was part of an hour-long programme in the "Special correspondent" series, which discussed whether homosexuals and "sodomites" are part of a Western plot to spread sin in Russia and ruin the country.
According to participants the meeting was closed and the recording which was shown could only have been made with the help of state surveillance.26
Discrimination against LGBTs contravenes the Olympic Charter, and the IOC has been challenged to ensure that such discrimination does not take place during the games. The IOC has clarified that the rule in the charter which forbids demonstrations and political, religious or racist propaganda must not be interpreted as an absolute ban on critical statements.27 Provided that the participants do not use accredited areas they are free to criticise Russia's laws.28
The Norwegian Olympic and Paralympic Committee and Confederation of Sports has also stressed that athletes are free to voice criticism as long as they comply with the IOC's rules. The confederation has prioritised efforts to counteract discrimination against and hate towards homosexual athletes since 2007.29
Historically, political statements by participants in Olympic Games are nothing new. One of the most well-known examples involves Tommie Smith, John Carlos and Peter Norman, who demonstrated solidarity with the American civil rights movement during the Olympic Games in Mexico City in 1968.30
Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and other human rights organisations have criticised the IOC and the major international companies which are sponsoring the games for being too reserved in their criticism of the Russian authorities.31
Attempts have been made to register a Pride House in Sochi, but the organisers were refused permission by the authorities. European and American LGBT organisations are attempting to get round the refusal by negotiating with individual participating countries to set up a Pride House under their auspices.32
LGBT organisations or meeting places are not visible in Sochi. There is admittedly an LGBT group on V Kontakte, Russia's answer to Facebook, but otherwise there is little organised activity.33
One exception is a young man, Vladislav, who spoke to the Russian periodical New Times in November 2013 about the situation for LGBTs in Sochi.34 Vladislav is 17 and describes his situation as hell because his profile on V Kontakte had been hacked and made available to all. In many schoolbooks homosexuality is still compared to criminality, substance abuse and prostitution. When it became known at school that he was homosexual he experienced bullying, having stones thrown at him and urine poured on him without any intervention on the part of the school. On the other hand Vladislav says:
"The teachers ignore pretty much everything. A teacher said that I didn't actually belong to any sexual minority but rather that it was just something I believed. The school psychologist explained that it was my own fault."


germany winter olympics

Many people had hoped that the German Olympic delegation's choice of colours reflected support for the LGBT milieu in Russia, but according to statements made by the German Athletics Federation that is not the case.

Vulnerable environment under pressure

The environmental challenges for the Olympic Games in Sochi consist of toxic landfills, swathes of national forests felled to make way for Olympic venues and palatial estates for Russian politicians, poisoned rivers and drinking water, species nearing extinction and limestone quarries gouged into protected areas. These will fade from public attention, eclipsed by the race for medals.


olympic strip mines
Strip mining in protected areas. (Photo: Flickr)
Until the games begin builders are continuing to dump literally tons of untreated construction and household waste in makeshift landfills, most of which remain undocumented except by environmentalists, taking over protected areas throughout the once pristine Krasnodar region – a giant failure in what Russia promised the IOC would be “Zero Waste Games”.
According to the United Nations Environmental Programme (UNEP), 3.5 billion tons of waste were generated during Olympic preparations in 2009 alone.

Olympic "Zero Waste" pledge appears empty
Construction vehicles and refuse lorries slow traffic to a Moscow-like gridlock on roads between coastal, temperate Sochi, and the Caucasus Mountain ski slopes of Krasnaya Polyana 45 kilometres to the north, causing smog that is completely alien to the area, local environmental activists say.
The waste which is being documented has been generated partly because Sochi – where the average February temperature hovers around 5-7°C – is just not a winter city. In other words, the Russian Olympic Organising Committee’s Games-building effort has been an exercise in building winter from scratch, which is akin to popularising igloos on Ibiza.
To change the local seasonal cycle the Organising Committee has constructed – according to its own statistics – more than a dozen venues in different coastal and mountain complexes, with over 367 kilometres of roads, 200 kilometres of railway and 170 kilometres of gas pipelines. Sochi has even stored 450,000 cubic metres of snow to ensure a white Olympics come February 7.
dumping-olymp-village
Illegal dumping of solid construction waste continues in the hills above the Olympic village. This is a still from a YouTube post tweeted by Gazaryan on December 13.
Dozens of local species of plant and animal life were at risk even before the Kremlin’s Olympic juggernaut descended on the 1,938 square-kilometre site of Western Caucasus National Park. These include the Persian leopard – which is now one of the mascots of the Sochi Games. If it becomes extinct it will at least be commemorated on T-shirts and coffee mugs.
gazaryan at krasnaya polyana
Gazaryan and other members of the EWNC inspect clear cutting for roads to the Krasnaya Polyana ski resort, a major Olympic venue. (Photo: EWNC)

Apart from the now famous landfill in the town of Akhshtyr, the state’s Federal Service for Supervision of Natural Resources, known as Rosprirodnadzor, has documented another 50 illegal landfills where Olympic construction companies covertly dispose of their waste throughout the Krasnodar Region.


landfills-e
The Russian Federal Service for Supervision of Natural Resources (Rosprirodnadzor) map of illegal landfills in the Sochi area. Source: Yandex (Photo: Rosprirodnadzor, rendered in English by Maria Kaminskaya/Bellona)
In addition to this, a good part of the cost of what are being billed as the most expensive games in history has gone into clear-cutting protected forest areas in order to build gaudy towering summer estates for Moscow’s hand-picked Olympic movers and shakers.

In all some 1,000 hectares of World Heritage forests have been levelled for cronies' residences and their infrastructure – roads, helipads, power lines and an illegally-sited ski resort.



kirills-dacha-shevchenko-2-2011
Russian Orthodox Church Patriarch Kirill’s "dacha" photographed by EWNC member Dmitri Shevchenko in February 2011.
Gazaryan rattled off that in addition to the residences Putin also has two guest houses in the Krasnaya Polyana area for visiting officials, has built in protected areas surrounding the Olympic ski slopes, built a mansion for Orthodox Church Patriarch Kirill near the village of Divnomorskoye and two holiday homes for Russian businessman and former Defence Minister Anatoly Serdyukov – one near the town of Anapa and another near the village of Taman.
The environmental challenges linked to the Sochi Games should have been an embarrassment to the IOC, but as IOC spokeswoman Emanuel Moreau writes the IOC Zero Waste Policy is only applicable to the two weeks during which the Games take place: “Sochi 2014’s zero waste objective is linked to its operational waste at games-time and [the Organising Committee has] given us every assurance of their commitment to that objective.”35

Corruption
Corruption was widespread in the Soviet Union. Unfortunately developments in Russia following the fall of the Soviet Union have not reduced the problem. Opposition politician Alexei Navalny helped to mobilise the protest movement against President Putin precisely by characterising the members of his party, United Russia, as "crooks and thieves". The protests targeted electoral fraud, corruption and misrule. Millions demonstrated in Moscow and a number of other cities in 2011 and 2012. Demonstrations are still being held, but fewer people are participating.
Russia is in 127th place out of 177 states in Transparency International's corruption perception index for 2013.36 Corruption and bribery play a part at all levels in dealings with the public authorities. Everything from schools, hospitals and driving-test examiners to building permits and public-sector tenders require bribes. The ownership of companies and properties can be taken over through illegal transactions and outright theft without the victim being able to expect that the police and courts will intervene. Which of the parties in a dispute has the best contacts or can pay most is often decisive.
There are a number of well-known cases which demonstrate the extent of corruption and fraud. One of the most well-known is the Magnitsky case. In 2008 Russian tax lawyer and auditor Sergei Magnitsky exposed a tax fraud amounting to 230 million dollars. However, those behind the fraud, several of whom were high-ranking civil servants in the Ministry of the Interior, managed to have him imprisoned, charged with having defrauded the state himself, and in the end he was killed in prison. He died on 16 November 2009 due to mistreatment and a lack of medical assistance.
One of the reasons why the Magnitsky case has become so well-known is that his employer, businessman Bill Browder, has started a worldwide campaign for "justice for Sergei Magnitsky". Another reason is that Magnitsky himself was very diligent in documenting all aspects of both the tax fraud and his own case.37 The USA has adopted a specific Magnitsky law which denies visas and freezes the assets of people involved in the mistreatment of Magnitsky or in similar cases.38 There are many of these, although not on such a large scale.
The corruption in North Caucasus has a number of distinguishing features. Due to the high level of conflict the authorities here receive significant financial support for security and development initiatives from the federal authorities in Moscow. According to Russian experts the struggle for access to such financial resources has become an important factor in the conflicts.39
The high level of corruption may also be a factor in recruitment to radical groups who are behind terrorism. Corruption, torture and other human rights violations cause frustration and bitterness in the population and these in turn lead to radicalisation.
The practice of buying public-sector positions also contributes. Such positions confer not only political power but also access to major financial benefits and bribes. This applies to employees in various types of public institutions, including the police, prosecuting authorities and the judicial system. One of the reasons why criticism of the authorities is cracked down on so severely is that such criticism is also a threat to the financial benefits.
Even though the Krasnodar region is in a relatively good financial position the same mechanisms apply here. Kusjevka, which is the name of a village in the region, has become a metaphor for the corrupt relationship between politicians and the security structures. The case involves Mafia-like relationships. A clan collaborated with the local prosecuting authorities to control the region in order to gain financial benefits. It stole and assaulted, raped and killed dozens of people with the blessing of the police over a number of years. By chance the case was raised in the media, which led to a court case beginning in 2013.40
According to the plan the building of Olympic facilities about 480 kilometres south west of Kusjevka should have been completed in 2012. But at the beginning of 2013 many of the building projects had still not been completed; in particular the cluster of facilities in the mountain village of Krasnaya Polyana.

Unfinished facilities in Krasnaya Polyana in November 2013.
The delays contributed to the cost rising to over 50 billion dollars. This does not include the cost of very extensive security. While many hotels are financed by private investors the Olympic venues are financed from Russia's federal budget, state-owned companies and loans from Vneshekonombank.41
The main reason for the delays include construction being organised as very large individual projects, difficult ground conditions in Sochi and additional requirements set by the IOC. There is also corruption. Among ordinary people in Sochi there is widespread scepticism about the money being used efficiently. The Norwegian Helsinki Committee's interviewees in Sochi believed that a large part of the money had disappeared because of corruption and poor management.
A report on corruption linked to "The winter games in the subtropics" claims that over 50 % of the budget for the Olympics has ended up in private pockets. The authors – one of whom is the well-known opposition politician Boris Nemtsov, who is originally from Sochi – point out that reputable companies would not have signed contracts for fear of becoming involved in illegal actions. This has resulted in less well-known players being used to get the facilities finished on time.42 This may also have affected the quality.43
The authorities would like to avoid these issues being highlighted. Attempts have been made to buy the documentary Putin's Games about corruption in Sochi in order to avoid it being shown.44 The film features defectors from the construction industry. Valery Morozov has fled to London, where he works with other exiled Russians to expose corruption in Russia. He describes how a so-called corruption tax which was originally 3 % in 2008 gradually rose to 50 %. He also describes how the presidential administration in Moscow is involved. It is not only local civil servants but also the Kremlin which has to have its share: "It works like this: The money is brought to the Presidential Administration Department. I go to the fifth floor, pass through security without being screened, and leave the money."45
Workers' rights infringed
The treatment of workers in Sochi is another important issue. Tens of thousands have worked on what has been called the world's biggest construction project. Most of them are from Russia, but many also come from Armenia, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Ukraine and Uzbekistan.
According to Olimpstroi, the company which has principle responsibility for the building work, there were 76,000 workers at the Olympic facilities in 2013. Some 16,000 of them were foreign workers.46 However, the organisation Memorial is critical of these figures. It points out that the federal migration services in Sochi have registered up to 50,000 immigrants in the Sochi area.
Although it can be difficult to discover the correct number of foreign workers it is well documented that both the Russian workers and foreign workers have been badly treated. But the foreign workers have been particularly vulnerable.

Workers waiting to be transported to the construction sites in Krasnaya Polyana.
In a report based on interviews with 66 foreign workers Human Rights Watch paints a murky picture of conditions for many of them:

  • they have often not been paid on time and/or been paid less than their contracts state;

  • in some cases wages have not been paid at all and the people involved have been deported;

  • they have had their identification papers such as passports and work permits taken from them;

  • they have been employed without adequate contracts of employment or their contractual conditions have been breached;

  • they have worked 12 hours a day, seven days a week, with a day off only once a fortnight;

  • they have lived in overcrowded accommodation and the food has often been poor or insufficient;

  • those who complained were often reported to the authorities and deported.47

According to the report, delayed payment of wages was often systematic at many of the facilities. The first wages were not paid until the employer no longer required the person concerned. In other words, the delay was a tool to pressurise the workers to continue even though they were unhappy with their conditions. The confiscation of ID documents served the same purpose.


One example is a group of workers at the media centre, which is on the coast. They worked for six months without being paid. They continued because they hoped that they would be paid in the end. Promises of payment and wage levels were often agreed verbally.
After a campaign to get immigrants to leave Sochi began in June 2013 thousands were arrested and forcibly deported, some of them without being paid. Russian critics view it in this way: "The Olympics have been built by slaves who were then thrown out when their efforts were no longer required."48

Welcome to the Olympics in Sochi just outside Krasnaya Polyana in November 2013.

Restrictions of liberty
After Putin became president again in May 2012 a number of new legal provisions came into force. What they have in common is that they restrict freedom of expression, organisation and assembly, contrary to the Russian constitution and international human rights. The laws help make it difficult to organise activities independently of the authorities and to criticise policies, the state and its institutions.
There has been a particular focus on organisations which cooperate across national borders. The authorities have even passed a specific law to smear them. The so-called foreign agent law came into force on 21 November 2012. It requires Russian organisations which conduct political activities and receive support from abroad to register as "foreign agents".
The description is a vestige of Soviet times, when it was used to denounce dissidents. It is associated with treason and espionage.
The paradox is that while Russia is inviting the countries of the world to spectacular winter games in Sochi it wants to shut the country out of international co-operative work to develop civil society and democracy.
This double-dealing is in itself nothing new in Russian history. The country has had an ambiguous relationship with Europe and the west for centuries. But since the break-up of the Soviet Union in 1991 the country has been increasingly integrated into the international economy. This has been formalised through membership of the World Trade Organization (WTO) since August 2012. Europe is easily the country's most important market, although oil and gas are also exported to Asian markets.
Russia is a member of the most important European democracy and human rights organisations such as the Council of Europe and the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE). Such membership sends a signal that the state wishes to belong to a European and international community of values in which democracy and human rights play a central role.
Nevertheless, one of the most prominent features of Putin's third period as president is that foreign influence must be combated when it comes to such values. Russia must be master of its own house and concentrate on its own values. The USA in particular but also the EU are portrayed as threats in this context.
Russia has many efficient and professional organisations which fight corruption and promote environmental considerations, human rights and democracy. They encourage the authorities to fulfil their obligations in both national and international law and mobilise an increasing number of Russian citizens. They also point out that the 1993 Russian constitution guarantees citizens' fundamental freedoms.
Organisations which refuse to register as agents can be shut down by the authorities and their leaders can be punished by fines and up to two years' imprisonment. So far around 2,000 organisations have been subjected to inspections under the auspices of state control bodies, including the Federal Security Service (FSB). Around 200 organisations have been ordered to register, but none have been willing to do so.
The organisation Golos, a well-known observer of elections, was the first to be fined. A court ruled on 14 June 2013 that the organisation had to pay a fine equivalent to 10 000 US Dollars. Its leader, Liliya Shibanova, was also fined about 3 500 US Dollars.49 Golos' argument that it had not actually received money from abroad after the law came into force was not heard. In October 2012 it was awarded the Andrei Sakharov Freedom Award by the Norwegian Helsinki Committee, but never received the prize money of 10,000 dollars. The judgement illustrates that the political will to get rid of a troublesome organisation also plays a strong role in the judicial system.
Two groups which campaign for LGBT rights, the Bok-o-Bok film festival and the organisation Coming Out, have also been convicted of breaking this law. Fortunately St Petersburg City Court rejected the charges and cancelled the fines, but this may only be a provisional victory.
An overview of organisations which have been affected by the law shows that they conduct lobbying activities, provide advice on rights and provide teaching. In other words, activities which challenge the authorities and increase the population's knowledge about which national and international rules apply.
One of the main problems of the law is that it does not clearly define what is covered by political activity. This vagueness means that it can be used arbitrarily against organisations which the authorities do not like. Arbitrariness is a recurring feature of the application of the law in Russia, with the result that no-one can feel safe.
There is significant criticism of the law in Russia. The federal ombudsman, Vladimir Lukin, has asked the Russian Constitutional Court to assess it. Complaints against the law have also been lodged with The European Court of Human Rights by organisations which believe that it unduly restricts the freedom to organise. They have recently received the support of the Council of Europe's legal commission (the Venice Commission). An assessment of a similar bill in Kyrgyzstan concluded that such a law represented a significant and unnecessary restriction of fundamental rights.50
The Russian organisations are also supported by the UN Council of Human Rights, which has stressed that those defending human rights are entitled to receive financial support from abroad without being discredited. Torbjørn Jagland, secretary-general of the Council of Europe, has said that such a law has no place in a democracy and is reminiscent of Soviet times.
Other restrictive laws include the introduction of very large fines for breaking the rules on organising demonstrations, defamation is again part of the penal code, with fines of up to 61,000 dollars, freedom of information on the internet is restricted and a provision on treason in the penal code which carries a maximum sentence of 20 years is so imprecisely formulated that the government can easily get rid of troublesome critics by applying it.
Imprisonment of political opponents and activists
The division between politics and law enforcement is often not respected in Russia. Using the court against political enemies is part of a weighty legacy from Soviet times. There have been a number of well-known examples of this during Putin's time as president from 2000-2008 and since May 2012. There were also political prisoners during Medvedev's time as president from 2008-2012, but he often spoke of the need to improve the independence of the courts and respect for the law and also put forward some initiatives towards this.
The most well-known political prisoners in recent years include businessmen Mikhail Khodorkovsky and Platon Lebedev, punk rockers Maria Alekhina and Nadezjda Tolokonnikova of Pussy Riot, those charged in the so-called Bolotnaya cases and the 30 Greenpeace activists and journalists who were arrested following an operation against one of Gazprom's oil platforms in the Barents Sea ("The Arctic 30").
These cases and a range of other well-known human rights problems place significant strain on Russia's reputation ahead of the winter games. It is already known that several Western heads of state do not want to be present in Sochi, including American President Barack Obama and Vice-President Joe Biden, German President Joachim Gauck and Chancellor Angela Merkel, British Prime Minister David Cameron and Lithuanian President Dalia Grybauskaite.
The amnesties for Khodorkovsky, Alekhina, Tolokonnikova and the Greenpeace activists in December 2013 must be viewed in this context, even though there has been strong international pressure to have them released for a long time. However, the amnesties, which covered several thousand people as well as the high-profile cases, do not solve the problem of political imprisonment.
First of all, they only apply to some of the people who have been subjected to unjust prosecutions. For example, Platon Lebedev, Khodorkovsky's business partner, is still imprisoned. The prosecutions of all those charged in the Bolotnaya cases have not been cancelled either. And many other less well-known people are still in prison.
Secondly, the amnesties do not solve the fundamental problem of the legal system being used against political opponents. The prosecutions of those who demonstrated against Putin at Bolotnaya Square and of opposition politician Alexei Navalny demonstrate how this happens very clearly.
Those charged in the Bolotnaya cases were picked at random from thousands of peaceful protesters on 6 May 2012 who wanted to express their dissatisfaction with Putin being appointed president again. The police attacked the demonstrators and a few of them were arrested. But nothing has emerged to indicate that those who have been charged used violence. Even the state prosecutors involved in the cases privately admit that they are political. The aim is to demonstrate that there is significant risk in protesting against Putin, regardless whether or not individuals play a prominent role. Anyone can be arrested.51
On the other hand, the cases against Navalny, Khodorkovsky and other well-known opposition politicians are intended to take particular selected people out of the game. These are people who are perceived as a threat to Putin's power, either because they are popular or because they have major financial resources.
Thirdly, the amnesties do not solve the fundamental problem that Russia has a number of laws which breach the constitution and/or international human rights. These include:

  • The law on foreign agents, which requires organisations receiving financial support from abroad to register as foreign agents if they conduct political activities (punishable by fines and imprisonment for up to two years);

  • The legal provision which forbids propaganda for non-traditional sexual relations, i.e. homosexuality (punishable by fines);

  • Tightening up the law on espionage (maximum sentence 20 years);

  • The law on publicly offending religious feelings (maximum sentence 5 years);

  • The law on extremism on the internet, which allows the prosecuting authorities to block websites featuring extremism without a court order;

  • The wide-ranging provision on treason in Article 275 of the criminal code, which can affect human rights activists, environmental campaigners and others working for or in partnership with international organisations (maximum sentence 20 years).

Several restrictive amendments to laws are expected in 2014, including a provision which will make it a criminal offence to encourage separatism (maximum sentence 5 years), and a law which restricts freedom of movement and re-establishes the propiska system.52


Fourthly, the authorities have intensified the pressure on activists and journalists to silence criticism of the winter games in Sochi. The police began inviting activists to interviews not long after it became known in 2007 that Sochi was to hold the winter games in 2014. Many activists have fled to avoid imprisonment after being charged, including Vadim Karastelev, Tatiana Tribrat (Novorossiysk), Anastasia Denisova (Krasnodar) and Suren Gazarjan (Sochi).53

A well-known case from the Krasnodar region involves Mikhail Savva, professor of political science at Kuban State University and a well-known human rights activist. He was imprisoned in April 2013, charged with embezzlement. During interrogations it emerged that the FSB believe he was in league with the CIA in supporting the development of "hostile" organisations in North Caucasus. He is now under house arrest waiting for his case to come to court. The maximum sentence for the offences he is charged with is 23 years.


There are good reasons to believe that the real reason why Professor Savva has been charged is his criticism of the new restrictive laws and that he is considered a troublemaker by the authorities in Krasnodar ahead of the winter games.54
Another case involves two people who work for one of the few environmental organisations in the area, Environmental Watch on North Caucasus. The organisation has been critical of the authorities' handling of the environmental consequences of the building of the Olympic facilities.
On 13 November 2013 Evgeny Vitishko and Suren Gazaryan conducted an inspection of a wooded area near Governor Aleksander Tkachev's cabin. They were then charged with writing on the fence surrounding the property and received a suspended sentence of three years' imprisonment. Suren Gazaryan then fled to Estonia.
On 20 December 2013 Evgeny Vitishko was sentenced to three years' unconditional imprisonment after the prosecuting authorities had appealed against the sentence. He was convicted of having "destroyed the fence around the cabin of the governor of Krasnodar, Tkachev".55
On 30 April 2013 four activists from the Gelendzhik Human Rights Centre – Vladimir Ivanov, Zufar Achilov, Gagik Avanesyan and Valery Semergey – were sentenced to 13, 11, eight and eight years' imprisonment respectively for extortion. According to Russian human rights organisations the cases against them are fabricated and they have been subjected to torture during interrogation.56
Activists and journalists are increasingly being stopped by the police, the FSB or Cossack patrols ahead of the winter games. They are told that they "are on a list of suspects" or that "exercises" are taking place or that the person concerned has "refused to produce their passport" or that the person concerned "has a suspicious appearance".
The list of people who have been arrested and interrogated include Circassian minority rights activists,57 journalists Svetlana Kravchenko and Nokolay Yarst and environmental activist Vladimir Kimaev from Sochi. Four environmental activists, Valya and Tanya Borisov, Alexei Mandrigelia and Anna Mikhailova, had to spend New Year's Eve 2013-2014 in prison.58
Solicitor Alexander Popkov in Sochi, who defends many of the activists, has also noticed increased pressure. The security services have spoken to his neighbours and he has been invited to a "discussion".
At the end of this manual we have included biographies over five activists and journalists currently under investigation.
The IOC's role
The IOC plays a leading role in the international Olympic movement, which according to the Olympic Charter must ensure that sport contributes to the "harmonious development of humankind, with a view to promoting a peaceful society concerned with the preservation of human dignity". The IOC's responsibility to follow up on Olympic Games organised by various host nations and cities complying with these values does not cease when agreements are entered into with them. The IOC must check that this happens in practice.
In this manual we have provided many examples of serious problems linked to the way in which the Russian authorities have prepared for the winter games in Sochi and how they are attempting to get rid of critics rather than entering into dialogue with them or making improvements. How has the IOC reacted to this situation?
Historically the IOC has not always played a role as defender of human rights in association with Olympic Games. When the summer games were held in China in 2008 the Chinese authorities imprisoned human rights activists, conducted widespread censorship of the internet, performed extensive appropriations with insufficient compensation and often neglected construction workers' rights.
But since 2009 the IOC has stated that it is responsible for ensuring that the Olympics are organised according to the charter by taking account of environmental considerations and avoiding the exploitation of construction workers, child workers and unacceptable restrictions on the media's freedom to cover various aspects of the games.
On the basis of the information presented in this manual and information from the local population in Sochi about how the construction activities have affected their lives it is difficult to conclude that the IOC has been serious about ensuring that the organisation of the winter games in Sochi is fully in keeping with the charter.
A recurring feature of the way in which the winter games have been organised is a total lack of basing the games locally. The population of Sochi has not been consulted about decisions regarding the organisation of the winter games. They are subjected to inspections and checks by the police without warning. Security exercises are arranged without them being informed. Sochi has been a building site with noise, dust and construction traffic for seven years. Construction waste has been dumped on private property without the owners being asked.59 Parts of Sochi and affected villages have periodically been without power, water and/or gas for months.60 In some cases families have been forcibly moved from their homes without receiving sufficient compensation. There is extensive environmental damage.61
The IOC has admittedly sought out representatives of local organisations to obtain alternative information. At a meeting with Memorial's Sochi office the IOC was given an overview of the serious problems at the facilities in terms of workers' rights for both Russian and foreign employees. The IOC received a list of seven facilities where a total of 800 workers had not received their wages.62 After the meeting Memorial did not hear again from the IOC.
Human Rights Watch informed the IOC about breaches of human rights at Sochi, including breaches of workers' rights, on a number of occasions. In some cases this information was presented to the Sochi 2014 Organising Committee and the IOC followed up the allegations about poor working conditions by asking for information from the Organising Committee.
When it comes to environmental considerations the IOC chose to work with the UN Environmental Programme (UNEP). The IOC itself has not been in contact with local or international environmental organisations. UNEP has regularly visited the area and published a report about the environmental effects of construction.63 There has, however, been little dialogue between UNEP and local environmental organisations and activists. Greenpeace Russia and the WWF boycotted meetings with UNEP due to fears that the environmental inspections "had become part of a so-called 'greenwash' of the controversial project".64
Activists from local environmental organisations who have been subjected to pressure from the police and security services have asked UNEP and the IOC to intervene to safeguard their right to monitor the environmental effects of the construction of the Olympic facilities.65 According to local sources neither UNEP nor the IOC have responded. UNEP has admitted that its main partner, the Sochi 2014 Organising Committee, appears to have limited control of whether there has been sufficient environmental consideration.66
Russian LGBT organisations have attempted to organise meetings with the IOC but have not received an answer.67
One of the main conclusions is that the IOC lacks a method for systematically monitoring human rights problems linked to the organisation of the Olympics. When the IOC gave a country which is known for many human rights abuses responsibility for organising the Olympics, and when the games are taking place in the vicinity of a region as conflict-filled as North Caucasus this becomes a serious weakness which helps to undermine faith in the Olympic Movement.

Useful contacts

We generally encourage everyone travelling to Sochi as a journalist to be careful about their sources. Making local sources anonymous should be considered. We fear for their safety once the Olympics are over.


Sochi has attracted widespread coverage in the Russian and foreign media in association with the 2014 Winter Olympics being held in the city. At the same time journalists wish to obtain information not only from official sources but also representatives of civil society. In order to help the Russian and foreign journalists covering this subject we present below a brief overview of contact information for independent activists, solicitors, environmental activists and politicians in Sochi who are willing to communicate with the media. The overview also includes information about relevant official authorities and their contact information.
Mayor's Office
The mayor is responsible for approving plans and development programmes in Sochi and to managing properties which are under local administration.
Pakhomov Anatoly Nikolaevich, Mayor of Sochi
Tel.: +7-862-2-96-05-01,
Tatiana Pshenisnova, press officer:
Tel.: +7 862 264-65-71, +7 862 264-25-49
Website: www.sochiadm.ru
Sochi City Council
Sochi City Council must hold public meetings about issues raised by the local population and define issues linked to the city's boundaries. The City Council is also responsible for following up on legal initiatives, organising referenda, administering the city's budget and social housing.

Lutsyk Anatoly Nikolaevich, chairman of the City Council


Tel.: +7-862-2-64-59-60;
The city's regional administration is a legal entity and has its own property and sources of finance. The chairmen of regional administrations are appointed by the city's governor.
Administration of Sentra region
Chairman: Pavlenko Sergei Vladimirovich
Tel.: 8 (862) 264-88-66

Administration of Adler region


Chairman: Zjigalko Alexander Alexandrovich
Tel.: 8 (862) 240-05-87
Administration of Khostinsk region
Chairman: Vikar Einatov Temur Nodarovich
Tel.: 8 (862) 266-86-55

Administration of Lazarev region


Chairman: Polyansky Sergey Alexandrovich
Tel.: 8 (862) 272-61-37





Regional courts
Regional courts are part of Russia's judiciary and consider criminal cases, administrative cases and citizenship cases. Exceptions are cases which fall under federal law and are considered by federal courts.


  1. Аdler,
    Chairman: Igor Eduardovich Mamtchenko
    Tel.: +7-862-2-46-00-71,
    Website: sochi-adler.krd.sudrf.ru

  2. Lazarevsky:
    Chairman: Nikolai Ivanovich Trukhan
    Tel.: +7-862-2-72-35-56,
    Website: sochi-lazarevsky.krd.sudrf.ru

  3. Khostinsky,
    Chairman: Vladimir Nikolaevich Bakhmetjev
    Tel.: +7-862-2-66-86-65,
    Website: sochi-xostinsky.krd.sudrf.ru

  4. Sentral,
    Chairman: Аnatoly Vasiljevich Lavrik
    Tel.: +7-862-2-62-13-23,
    Website: sochi-centralny.krd.sudrf.ru


The Ministry of the Interior in Sochi has main responsibility for maintaining public law and order
Chairman: Vasilij Petrovich Umnov
Press office: +7-862-2-69-71-90, +7-862-2-69-71-91,
Website: suvd.ru
The work of the police must follow up the Federal Law "About the police".



The Public Prosecutor's Office in Sochi
Functions on the basis of the federal law "About the Public Prosecutor's Office".
Public Prosecutor: Mark Alexandrovich Bolsjedvorskiy
Tel.: +7-862-2-62-45-45, +7-862-2-62-32-64,

The Criminal Investigation Department in Sochi
According to the federal law "About the Investigation Committee ...", the chairman of the Russian Federation's Investigation Committee is appointed and dismissed by the president of the Russian Federation without the approval of legislative authorities, as was previously the practice. The chairman of the Investigation Committee submits a report about his work to the president every year. The Investigation Committee is not part of any state structure. Viewed like this, it can be said that the work of the Investigation Committee represents an extension of presidential power.
Chairman: Terenchev Vladimir Nikolaevich
Tel.: +7-862-2-64-21-27.
The U.S. Embassy will provide services in Adler for American citizens during the Olympics.  The services provided include replacement of lost/stolen passports, medical emergencies and emergency financial assistance.  More information for can be found at: http://moscow.usembassy.gov/sochi2014.html
Contact information:
U.S. Embassy Consular Services:+7-495-728-5577
After 6 PM: +7-495-728-5000

The authorities in the Krasnodar region

The chairman of the regional administration and the governor are the most senior authority figures in the Krasnodar region. The chairman leads the local administration, shapes the administration in the region according to state structures, approved by the local legislative assembly.



The governor of Krasnodar region: Tkatchev Alexandr Nikolaevich
Tel.: (861) 262-57-16, 268-45-38
The human rights ombudsman in the Krasnodar region has no authority and has no right to get involved in state and municipal bodies. He handles complainants and defends the rights of the persons concerned if their rights are infringed. The ombudsman writes annual reports and directs the authorities' attention to problems in the community.

Ombudsman Mysjak Sergei Valentinovich
Tel.: (8612) 68-09-45, 53-52-81

Ministries responsible for organising and holding the 2014 Winter Olympics in Sochi
Ministry Responsible for Preparations for the 2014 Winter Olympics in the Krasnodar Region. The ministry ensures that documentation is coordinated with the administration in the Krasnodar region, the planning of Sochi 2014, setting up Olympic facilities which are prepared by the state association for the construction of Olympic facilities and the development of Sochi as a winter resort.

Chairman: Alexei Nikolaevich Sjejan


Tel.: +7-862-2-41-81-80, +7-862-2-41-81-95,
Website: www.olympdep.ru
The state-owned company Olympstroj controls and coordinates the planning and construction of the Olympic facilities in Sochi, the running of the facilities, conducts public-sector bidding processes68 and follows up on the building of the Olympic facilities.
Chairman: Sergej Anatoljevich Gaplikov
Press Centre: +7-862-2-43-40-47,
Website: http://www.sc-os.ru/
The Olympic Council in the Krasnodar Region.

There are dozens of Olympic councils in Russia. These are regional social organisations and associations which contribute to the development of the Olympic Movement. The Olympic Council is a member of the Russian Olympic Committee.


Chairman: Karavaeva Irina Vladimirovna
Tel.: (861) 253-39-41
e-mail: dfks@krasnodar.ru, orgsport@mail.ru

The autonomous non-commercial organisation "Sochi 2014 Organising Committee" was formed in 2011 following a special order by the government of the Russian Federation in order to assist employers with services in association with preparations for the Olympics.

President: Chjernyshenko Dmitri Nikolaevich

Tel.: (Moscow): + 7 (495) 984 2014

Tel.: (Sochi): +7 (8622) 62 32 00

Website: http://www.sochi2014.com

The autonomous non-commercial organisation "Olympic Games Transport Directorate" was formed in 2009 and is responsible for organising public transport, passengers, freight, materials, technical resources and similar in association with the games.
Director: Zjukov Andrei Viktorovich

Tel.: +7 (862) 227-20-14

Website: www.tdog2014.com

Additional contact information:

The administration in the Krasnodar region
http://admkrai.krasnodar.ru/
Press Centre: 253-41-36, 253-24-58
E-mail: pressa93@gmail.com
Legislative assembly in the Krasnodar region
http://www.kubzsk.ru/
Chairman: Vladimir Andreevich Beketov
Tel.: (861) 268-00-51, fax: (861) 268-13-32
Electoral Commission in the Krasnodar Region
http://www.krasnodar.izbirkom.ru/
Chairman: J.A. Burlachenko
Tel.: (861) 268-29-16, fax (861) 268-26-38
E-mail: iksrf23@mail.ru

Executive bodies



The local administration in Krasnodar is responsible for coordinating cooperation between the administration in the Krasnodar region and the government and other federal authorities, including coordinating diplomatic, trade, cultural and international relations.

http://krasnodar.ru/content/507/show/2997/


http://www.kubanrep.ru/

Chairman: Tonkikh Vera Nikolaevna Tel.: +7 (499) 238-20-28 (Moscow)


E-mail: pr_admin05@mail.ru
Representation of the Krasnodar region in the Gagr region (Republic of Abkhazia)

http://embabhazia.ru/respublika_abhaziya


Abkhazia is made up of seven regions and eight towns.
Population of Abkhazia: Approx. 250,000
Ministry of Mass Media

Chairman: Gorokhova Olga Egorovna


Telephone: 214-51-50, 253-23-43
e-mail: dsmi@krasnodar.ru
Website: www.depsmi.ru
Ministry of Finance and Stock Exchange in the Krasnodar region

Chairman: Slavinskiy Igor Anatolievich


Tel.: (861) 262-90-72, (861) 262-90-73
E-mail: dffr@krasnodar.ru

Ministry of Transport in the Krasnodar region

Chairman: Orkopulo Anastas Petrovich
Website http://www.tskk.ru/
Tel.: (861) 268-47-57
fax: (861) 268-62-80
e-mail: dtc@krasnodar.ru
Ministry of Work and Employment in the Krasnodar region

Website http://www.kubzan.ru/home.aspx


Tel.: +7 (861) 252-34-96
dgsz@krasnodar.ru


Ministry of Finance and Budget Supervision in the Krasnodar region
Website http://www.dfbn.ru/
Chairman: Vasilyev Jurij Petrovich
Tel.: (861) 254-02-76
Fax: (861) 254-04-61
E-mail: dfbn@krasnodar.ru

Ministry of Regional Security in the Krasnodar region

Website: http://www.dchs.ru/
Chairman: Sergei Simonenko Тel./fax: +7 (861) 262-52-37, +7 (861) 262-00-69
dchs@krasnodar.ru

Ministry of Health in the Krasnodar region

http://www.minzdravkk.ru/
Minister: Filippov Evgenij Fedorovich
Tel.: (861) 992-52-91
mz@krasnodar.ru
Ministry of Sport in the Krasnodar region

Minister: Ludmila Chernova


http://www.kubansport.ru/
dfks@krasnodar.ru
Tel.: (861) 992-27-47; E-mail: dfks@krasnodar.ru

Ministry of Finance in the Krasnodar region

http://www.depfinance.ru/
Minister: Peronko Ivan Alexandrovich
Tel.: (861) 253-24-41, fax: (861) 268-37-59
Е-mail: minfin@krasnodar.ru
Ministry of Culture in the Krasnodar region

Minister Solyanina Galina

http://kultura.kubangov.ru/


fax: (861) 992-60-18
Е-mail: mk@krasnodar.ru
Ministry of Tourism in the Krasnodar region

Chairman: Demchenko Igor Petrovich

http://www.kurortkuban.ru


E-mail: kurort@kurortkuban.ru
Tel.: (861) 267-25-38
Ministry of Education in the Krasnodar region

http://www.edukuban.ru/


Tel.: (861) 235-10-36
fax: (861) 231-82-47
Ministry of Natural Resources and Environmental Protection in the Krasnodar region

Minister: Chebanov Mikhail Stepanovich


http://www.kubanbioresursi.ru/
Tel.: +7(861) 259-12-09, Fax: +7(861) 259-13-44

Ministry of Inspection of State Structures in the Krasnodar region



Chairman: Zakharutin Vladimir Grigorjevich

http://www.ugsnkk.ru/


Tel.: (861) 255-35-08
State Inspectorate of Traffic Safety in the Krasnodar region

http://www.gibdd.ru/r/23/news/

The chairman is the representative of the Ministry of the Interior, Police Colonel
Kapustin Alexander Nikolaevich
On duty:
Tel.: (861) 233-59-97
Tel.: (861) 233-82-59
Duty telephone:
Tel.: (861) 224-58-48

Ministry of the Interior Head Office in the Krasnodar region
Chairman: Vinevskij Vladimir Nikolaevich
Website http://23.mvd.ru/
For questions Tel.: 8 (861) 259-79-79
On duty: Tel.: 259-50-45, 224-16-72
E-mail: kuban-police@mail.ru
The regional court in the Krasnodar region

Chairman: Chernov Alexandr Dmitrievich

http://www.kubansud.ru/


Tel.: (861) 212-00-95, 212-00-96, 212-00-97 fax: (861) 268-31-50
E-mail: kubansud@kubansud.ru

Foreign Ministry Representation in the Krasnodar region

Chairman: Manjko Sergey Anatoljevich
http://www.krasnodar.mid.ru/
Senior Adviser Volkodav Anastasia Nikolaevna
Tel.: (861) 253-73-77, 253-73-85
E-mail: mid@mail.kuban.ru
Office of the Public Prosecutor in the Krasnodar region

Public Prosecutor: Leonid Korzjinek

http://www.prokuratura-krasnodar.ru/


Tel.: (8 + 861) 268-25-63
On duty: Tel.: (8 + 861) 268–50–01; (8 + 861) 262–98–02
Ministry of Migration in the Krasnodar region
Chairman: I.A. Semenjakin
http://www.ufmskrn.ru/
Tel.: 8 (861) 255-69-30

Ministry of Taxation in the Krasnodar region


Chairman: V.A. Krasnitskij
http://www.nalog.ru/rn23/
Tel.: (861) 262-63-63, 262-68-04, 268-10-21
fax:(861) 262-68-04

Contacts of non-governmental organisations, the media and activists

Online newspaper Sochi News

http://www.sochinskie-novosti.com/

E-mail: sochinews.rf@gmail.com

Tel.: +7-928-445-50-30


24/7 internet agency Caucasian Knot

http://www.kavkaz-uzel.ru



http://eng.kavkaz-uzel.ru/contact_form

Tel./fax: (495) 640-05-27


Memorial Migration and Rights (Moscow)

www.memo.ru

Tel.: (495)-681-18-23, (495)-681-15-32, (495)-681-09-54, (495)-681-05-27

Chairman of Migration and Rights: Svetlana Gannusjkina: svetlana.gannushkina@gmail.com


Agora Inter-regional human rights organisation
Tel.: (9600) 47-27-96
E-mail agora-club@yandex.ru
Website: http://www.openinform.ru/
Environmental Watch on North Caucasus
http://www.ewnc.org/
Tel.: +7(8772)540607
E-mail: envwnc@gmail.com
Skype: ewnc.org
IСQ: 377026593
Twitter: https://twitter.com/#!/ewnc_org

http://www.facebook.com/groups/envwnc




Contacts at organisations

  • The Norwegian Helsinki Committee,

    • Bjørn Engesland, Secretary General. Tel.: 95 75 33 50, e-mail: engesland@nhc.no

    • Gunnar Ekeløve-Slydal, Deputy Secretary General. Tel.: 95 21 03 07, e-mail: ekelove-slydal@nhc.no

    • Inna Sangadzhieva, Advisor. Tel.: 97 69 94 58, e-mail: inna@nhc.no

    • Anders Nielsen, Information Adviser. Tel.: 40 84 47 09, e-mail: nielsen@nhc.no



  • Amnesty International,

    • John Peder Egenæs, Secretary General. Tel.: 911 00 676, jegenes@amnesty.no

    • Patricia Kaatee, Policy Adviser with responsibility for Russia. Tel.: 454 85 374, e-mail: pkaatee@amnesty.no

    • Lene Christensen, Communications Adviser and responsible for work on Sochi at Amnesty in Norway. Tel.: 95912715 e-mail: lchristensen@amnesty.no



  • The Norwegian Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender Organisation,

    • Bård Nylund, Chairman. Tel.: 95 05 63 83, bard@llh.no

    • Ingvild Endestad, Communications Adviser. Tel.: 97 56 22 95, ingvild@llh.no
       

  • Bellona

    • Nils Bøhmer, Managing Director. Tel.: 90 03 75 17, e-mail: nils@bellona.no


Biographies of activists currently under investigation69
Nikolai Viktorovich Yarst

Nikolai Yarst (born in January 1979 in the town of Kropotkin of the Krasnodar Territory) is a journalist, a correspondent of the "Russian Public TV" TV Channel in Sochi. On May 31, 2013, he was charged with drug possession. The journalist himself and his colleagues believe the charge was fabricated.


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