Elizabeth Gurley Flynn. Duluth, Minnesota 1908 4- ir + £ jL 5K«a p&ftt'Ss ILL sw*UH»



Download 2.03 Mb.
Page7/36
Date16.08.2017
Size2.03 Mb.
#32746
1   2   3   4   5   6   7   8   9   10   ...   36

JAMES CONNOLLY—IRISH SOCIALIST

75

Socialists as “reactionaries” and that there was not sufficient effort made to bring the message of socialism to the Irish-American workers. In 1907 George B. McClellan, Mayor of New York City, made a speech in which he said: “There are Russian Socialists and Jewish Socialists and German Socialists! But, thank God! there are Irish Socialists!” This was a challenge to Connolly, my father and a host of others with good Irish names, members of both the Socialist parties. They banded together as the Irish Socialist Club, later known as the Irish Socialist Federation. James Connolly was chairman and my sister Katherine was secretary. She was then 15 years old. Connolly was strong for encouraging “the young people.”

The Irish Socialist Federation caused great protest among the other existing federations. The others insisted we didn’t need a federation because we weren’t foreign-speaking. We wanted a banner we could fight under. The Unity Club required us to be too placating, too peaceful. The Federation was bom one Sunday afternoon at our house in the Bronx. Connolly, Quinlan, O’Shaughnessy, Cooke, Cody, Daly, Ray, all the Flynns, were there; also our faithful Jewish friend, Sam Stodel, who was sympathetic to our proposal. But we excluded him as we feared ridicule if we included a Jew.

He went into the kitchen and said to my mother: “Have you anything for this bunch to eat?” She confessed she had not, so he went around the comer and bought ham, cheese, corned beef, beer, crackers, etc., to feed the doughty Irish when their session was over. Nourished by Sam, we went forth to battle. The Federation arranged street meetings to show that Mayor McClellan was an ignoramus and a liar, especially in Irish neighborhoods where such meetings had never been held. It had a large green and white banner, announcing who and what it was, with the Gaelic slogan, Faugh-a-Balach (Clear the Way) in big letters surrounded by harps and shamrocks. The meetings were stormy but finally accepted at many comers; A German blacksmith comrade built the Federation a sturdy platform that could not easily be upset, with iron detachable legs that could be used as “shillelaghs” in an emergency. These helped to establish order at the meetings, and won a wholesome respect for the Federation.

The Federation issued a statement of its purposes (written by James Connolly): “To assist the revolutionary working class movement in Ireland by a dissemination of its literature; to educate the working class Irish of this country into a knowledge of Socialist principles and




76

SOCIALIST AND IWW AGITATOR, 1906-1912

to prepare them to cooperate with the workers of all other races, colors, and nationalities in the emancipation of labor.” James Connolly wrote one book, Labour in Irish History,
one play and many pamphlets. His extensive writings were spread out over many years in various workers’ papers and magazines.

He published a monthly magazine, The Harp. Many poems from his own pen appeared. It was a pathetic sight to see him standing, poorly clad, at the door of Cooper Union or some other East Side hall, selling his little paper. None of the prosperous professional Irish, who shouted their admiration for him after his death, lent him a helping hand at that time. Jim Connolly was anathema to them because he was a “So’—cialist.”

He had no false pride and encouraged others to do these Jimmy Higgins tasks by setting an example. At the street meetings he persuaded those who had no experience in speaking to “chair the meeting” as a method of training them. Connolly had a rare skill, bom of vast knowledge, in approaching the Irish workers. He spoke the truth sharply and forcefully when necessary, as in the following from The Harp of November 1900:

To the average non-Socialist Irishman the idea of belonging to an international political party is unthinkable, is obnoxious, and he feels that if he did, all the roots of his Irish nature would be dug up. Of course, he generally belongs to a church—the Roman Catholic Church—which is the most international institution in existence. That does not occur to him as atrocious, in fact he is rather proud than otherwise that the Church is spread throughout the entire world, that it overleaps the barriers of civilization, penetrating into the depths of savagedom, and ignores all considerations of race, color or nationality. . . . But although he would lay down his life for a Church which he boasts of as “Catholic” or universal, he turns with a shudder from an economic or political movement which has the same characteristics.

Connolly published The Harp here as the official organ of the Irish Socialist Federation, and moved it to Dublin in 1910.



The IWW "Stirreth Up the People”

When William D. Haywood, then secretary of the Western Federation of Miners, opened the first convention of the Industrial Workers of the World in 1905, he said: “This is the Continental Congress of the working class.” George Speed, a veteran trade unionist who had




THE IWW “STIRRETH UP THE PEOPLE”

77

helped to build the Seamen’s Union of the AFL and who was later an IWW member for many years, described this gathering as “the greatest conglomeration of freaks that ever met in a convention.” Both statements had a grain of truth. Its advent was an important event and it blazed a trail, like a great comet across the Am
erican labor scene, from 1905 to the early 1920s. It made labor history, and left an indelible impress on the labor movement.

The IWW was a militant, fighting, working class union. The employing class soon recognized this and gave battle from its birth. The IWW identified itself with all the pressing immediate needs of the poorest, the most exploited, the most oppressed workers. It “fanned the flames” of their discontent. It led them in heroic struggles, some of which it organized. Others jumped in to give leadership after the strike had started. The memorable accusation against Jesus, “He stirreth up the people!” fitted the IWW. It set out to organize the unorganized, unskilled foreign-born workers in the mass production industries of the East and the unorganized migratory workers of the West, who were largely American bom and employed in maritime, lumber, agriculture, mining and construction work. In the East and South, it reached workers in textile, rubber, coal maritime and lumber and in a variety of smaller industries. In New York City, for instance, there were IWW locals in clothing, textile, shoe, cigar, rattan, piano, brass and hotels. In the West there was a Cowboys’ and Broncho Busters’ local of the IWW. The entire working class of the fabulous town of Goldfield, Nevada, was organized in 1906 by Vincent St. John into the IWW. The Italian laborers at the U.S. Army’s West Point were once organized in the IWW. I recall speaking to them there, about 1911.

I joined in 1906, belonging to Mixed Local No. 179 in New York City, a sort of catch-all local. How I got by the strict qualification that one must be an actual wage worker, I cannot recall. Possibly it was due to my extreme youth and the fact that all the work I did was for the movement, sometimes paid for and often not. A special provision regarding “Women and juniors,” passed at the 1906 convention, may be the explanation. My first experience with the IWW was a trip up the Hudson River to Schenectady, New York, by the night boat to Albany that summer to speak at a Moyer-Haywood-Pettibone protest meeting at Brandywine Park. It was a mass gathering. Later that year the IWW had a strike of approximately 3,000 men against the General Electric Company. They did not leave the plant but stayed by their


78

SOCIALIST AMD IWW AGITATOR, 1906-1912

machines and stopped production. This action was the first “sit-down” strike in the East as far as I know. The AFL threatened to take up the charter of any local which joined the IWW in Schenectady in a sympathetic strike. Our strike ended rather quickly.

My first personal strike experience was in Bridgeport, Connecticut in the summer of i907 with the Tube Mill workers, largely Hungarian. I was much amused to hear an overenthusiastic young may say to Ella Reeve Bloor in 1938, during the big CIO drive: “Mother, we had a strike in Bridgeport—the first one they ever had there!” She replied indignantly: “I led a strike of corset workers there before you were bom. How about you, Elizabeth?” When I told him that my first strike there was actually over 30 years before, he was speechless. Here, for the first time, I participated in strike committee meetings, mass picketing and daily meetings in two languages, with sad Hungarian violin music for entertainment. For a short time I stayed in the home of a striker, sleeping with the woman and the baby, while the men slept on the kitchen floor. Later, a strike sympathizer got me a room for myself. The strike meetings were in the vicinity of the mill, where the workers lived. In the evening we went downtown and held street meetings on a main thoroughfare to acquaint the people of the city with the conditions and the demands of the striking workers. We gained considerable support this way, which helped to settle the strike.

The first IWW convention I attended was in Chicago in 1907—I had just passed 17 years, and was still in high school. My family and friends were hesitant about letting me go, but I was determined. Local 179 elected me as its delegate. They had no funds, but sufficient was collected among the members of the Unity Club. I paid $18 fare and sat up all the way in a daycoach. Arriving in Chicago at the Wabash Avenue Station of the Pennsylvania Railroad, I was quite appalled to be all alone, so far from home. I had the address of a friend, Mrs. Josephine Conger Kanako, who had invite^ me to stay with her while there. She was the editor of a magazine, The Socialist Woman. She was a tall, thin, plain-looking woman, whose husband was Japanese, and quite short. They were an incongruous but apparently happy pair. He subsequently returned to Japan and died there of tuberculosis.

I made my way to where she lived and found her a charming woman. But it was way out on the South Side, on Cottage Avenue, and the convention was on North Clark Street at the old Brandt Hall. After a few days I moved to the home of William E. Trautman, who was then Secretary of the IWW.




I MEET TOM L. JOHNSON

79

I loved Chicago and still do. It’s a big sprawly town—dirty, dingy, alive, real, no hypocrisy or false frills there; teeming with life much closer to the heart of America than any Eastern city. I was amazed at its lack of civilization. I saw rats run across the wooden streets on Milwaukee Avenue; visited the stockyards—and couldn’t stand to see the animals killed. The frightened squeals were dreadful. I remained a vegetarian. It smelled bad, looked bad, and left a bad taste for days afterward. But it was a lasting impression of workers in a great production plant and the job that lay ahead of us, to organize them.

I sat in the top gallery of a theater with other delegates and saw E. H. Southern in Crime and Punishment. We visited the White City and some buildings that were still left from the World’s Fair—museums, I believe. I had childishly wonderful time being “West,” and became quite enamored with “Westerners.”

At this convention I was thrilled to meet Mrs. Lucy Parsons, widow of Albert Parsons, who had been executed 20 years before in the yard of the Cook County Jail in the heart of Chicago. While he was hanged she was held a prisoner in the Clark Street Station House, not far from where we were then meeting. I met Oscar Neebe, one of Parson’s codefendants and the imprisoned martyr of the eight-hour day struggle who was pardoned by Governor Altgeld. I remember Mrs. Parsons speaking warmly to the young people, warning us of the seriousness of the struggles ahead that could lead to jail and death before victory was won. For years she traveled from city to city, knocking on the doors of local unions and telling the story of the Chicago trial. Her husband had said: “Clear our names!” and she made this her lifelong mission.

I can recall nothing particularly exciting happening at this IWW convention. It was a great adventure in itself for me to make this trip all alone.



I Meet Tom L. Johnson

After the IWW convention of 1907 I returned home to New York, stopping off at several Midwestern cities on the way. I spoke first at Cincinnati. The red houses with blinds, the hills, the German atmosphere, even a canal called the Rhine, fascinated me. I was disappointed, years after, to find the canal gone and a road there instead. There I saw pigs driven through the streets to a slaughterhouse. I particularly recall visiting Cleveland, where I had lived as a child. I stayed with a family who were members of the Socialist Labor Party, under whose




80

SOCIALIST AND IWW AGITATOR, 1906-1912

auspices my meetings were held there. The first was a noonday rally at the Public Square on one of the stone platforms built for free speech by order of Tom L. Johnson, mayor of Cleveland. He was well known as a reformer, an advocate of municipal ownership, a fighter against monopolies, especially the transit system, and had fought to secure the three-cent fare. He was bom poor, started as a newsboy, and finally landed in the streetcar business, where he was a phenomenal success as a capitalist and threatened the “Consolidated,” owned by Mark Hanna. He became a rich man. Then somebody gave him Henry George’s Progress and Poverty.
Books and ideas are potent. He sold his business and went into politics to fight the system that had made him rich but, as he now felt, at the expense of thousands who were poor. He fought it well, according to his lights.

While I was speaking that noon in 1907, a pleasant, smiling, round-faced man came across the park, accompanied by several others, and stood quietly on the edge of the crowd, listening to me. When I had concluded he came through the crowd and someone said: “Shake hands with Mayor Johnson, Miss Flynn.” I liked him but wasn’t sure whether my class-conscious socialist principles would allow me to be friends with him. However, he resolved that quickly enough by saying: “Come on for lunch with us!” And I was lifted right off the platform. Some of my comrades looked very dubious. I feared I was being a traitor to the working class right then and there, but others said: “Sure, go ahead, what’s the harm?”

So off I went in a big car to his home on Euclid Avenue. I remember meeting Fred Howe and Mrs. Howe and Peter Witt. I was quite embarrassed though I tried to appear calm, as if being whisked away by mayors was an everyday occurrence to me. He took me for a ride all over the city and told me his plans for its improvement. He was proud of the three-cent fare in vogue there. He was direct and forthright. He told me of his disappointment that his daughter had left the stage to marry some titled foreigner and he hoped she’d quit him for good. The politicians and big interests crushed him later and his heart broke. (Some five years later I saw Peter Witt who was then mayor of Cleveland and he gave me a contribution for the Lawrence strikers* in memory of Tom Johnson!) Marie Jennie Howe and Frederick G. Howe, to whom Johnson introduced me the day of the luncheon, took

* See below, “The Lawrence Strike of 1912.”


ROARING PITTSBURGH

81

me to hear him speak that evening, and remained my good friends for years. Fred Howe was in charge of Ellis Island in the Wilson administration. His talented wife was a minister and a suffrage leader.

It was quite an experience hearing Tom Johnson speak that night —he was informal, used simple language, argued with the audience. He had a good sense of humor, was always pleasant, yet sharp and quick in retort. He was loved by the people and hated by the rich as “a traitor to his class.” He described himself as a convert from plutocracy to democracy, a rarity in all periods.

When I left Cleveland, he gave me a letter of introduction to the mayor of Youngstown, so “you won’t have any trouble there.” My unusual experience greatly puzzled the local Socialist Labor Party, whose party was “purest of the pure.” The young daughters of the house where I stayed were excited and thrilled over it, but the SLP elders were worried as to whether I had compromised them beyond repair by my socializing with a “capitalist mayor.” Tom L. Johnson corresponded with me after that. He gave my unemployed father an engineering job that lasted quite a while. He died a few years later. There is a statue of him in the square in Cleveland, near the stone platform where I spoke—a belated tribute to a man who did so much for his city. I always waved a greeting as I passed by in later years.

Roaring Pittsburgh

From Cleveland I went to Warren, Elyria, Akron, Youngstown and Pittsburgh. Youngstown was uneventful. I did not need my letter to the mayor. It’s great to be young and to see places like these with the eyes of wonder and enthusiasm. In Elyria I visited a glass factory and saw workers blow electric bulbs on the ends of long glass tubes. In Pittsburgh I lived up on a hill, where we had to go through a tunnel or up an incline railroad to get there. In the daytime we couldn’t see the city below for smoke.

I will never forget my first visit to Pittsburgh—the great flaming mills on both sides of the Ohio River, the roar and crash of the blast furnaces, the skies lit up for miles around at night, the smoke, gas-laden air, the grime and soot that penetrated every comer. Industries fascinate me and wherever possible I visited them. This was much easier years ago. I visited the Heinz plant of the 57 varieties in Allegheny City, now the North Side of Pittsburgh. The fingers of the girl packers


82

SOCIALIST AND IWW AGITATOR, 1906-1912

moved so fast as the jars and cans passed along the belt-line, you could hardly see them. Visitors were treated to a plateful of samples and given a souvenir spoon with a pickle-shaped handle. The horses were well cared for, I noted, in tiled stalls, groomed and well fed. In my speeches, I contrasted this with the hotels workers lived in there.

I also visited the Homestead plant, scene of the grim battle of 15 years before, when 300 armed Pinkerton detectives came up the Allegheny River in boats and fired upon the strikers gathered on the shore. A battle ensued in which six workers were killed. The Pinkertons were taken captive by the strikers and driven out of town. I was allowed to go through the plant, but had to sign a paper first absolving the company of all responsibility for accidents which might happen there. I felt as if I were entering an inferno. It was fascinating—the crashing noises, the unexpected bursts of flame, the heat, the sweating toilers, some stripped to the waist, attending the great furnaces and caldrons. We walked miles, saw all the processes that turned the raw red ore into a finished product. My speeches were improved by all this first-hand information.

I also was taken to visit a coal mine somewhere near Pittsburgh. It was in the side of a mountain, not down a shaft. I heard the cracking of the coal roof, an ominous sound. Water dripped down the sides. This was long before the noisy cutting and loading machines used today. Then the sad-faced mules, who did all the hauling, were stabled down in the depths of the earth. It is a saying that miners are superstitious about women coming into the mines, but I found no resentment, only friendly smiles. The little lamps in their caps lit up the gleaming eyes in the dust-covered faces of the coal diggers. To me they were then, and have remained, the unsung heroes of labor, who daily take their lives into their hands that we may have light, heat and power. They were then, and are now, the source of tremendous profits for absentee mine owners. They live in shacks in remote backwood camps, in lonely hills and hollows, or drab little towns, without adequate hospitals, sanitation, water supply, light, housing, roads, social recreation or educational facilities. Whatever they have gained, and it is little enough, has been by the strength of their union in bitter struggles. No wonder that no American coal miner ever wants his son to follow his footsteps into the dark, dangerous bowels of the earth!

Wherever I traveled in my earlier years I always tried to see the local industrial establishments. Later I become too “notorious” to be al




MESABI RANGE

83

lowed inside a plant and the rules became stricter during and after World War I. In my early years, I saw the Ford plant in Detroit, the Dayton, Ohio, cash register factory, a lumber mill in the northwest, a pottery plant in Cincinnati, a copper mine in Butte so deep that the earth was hot, a silver mine in British Columbia, a textile mill
in Ol- neyville, Rhode Island, with all the windows closed on a hot summer day so the fabrics in the looms would not be disturbed by the currents of air. In all such trips I saw, of course, only what the guides were allowed to show visitors. But I also saw what could not be concealed— labor-saving machinery, speedup on belt lines, mass production and the hazards of such work. Workers told me at my meetings of conditions in these plants, of wages and hours, of attempts to organize and employers’ efforts to thwart them. I was a listener, anxious to overcome the handicap of youth and inexperience. I soaked up a lot of information on the lives of the workers in all my travels.

When I left Pittsburgh after about two weeks’ stay, the local surprised me, giving me two weeks’ organization salary—$36. (The IWW paid $18 a week and expenses.) It included a $20-gold piece. But I had not been rated an organizer before and had never drawn so much money at one time. I felt proud and affluent.



Mesabi Range

After reporting to the various IWW locals in New York on the convention and my trip, life became singularly dull. I had tasted of travel and the wanderlust was in my blood. I did not want to return to school. I resented the adult interference with my life by the members of the Unity Club and by my father especially. He had a penchant for personal conflicts, had quarreled with Connolly and others, and expected me to carry all his grudges. In August 1907 I had my 17th birthday. When the comrades assembled, my mother said to my father: “It’s ridiculous. There isn’t a person under forty!”

That summer I tried my wings again in a visit to Paterson, New Jersey. I stayed there a week or ten days, speaking every night in the large IWW Hall, which was located on one of the main streets of the Silk City. I met many workers during my stay, whom I came to know six years later at the time of our big IWW strike there.

One of the delegates to the recent IWW convention, J. A. Jones of Minnesota, began a correspondence with me, urging me to come on a





Download 2.03 Mb.

Share with your friends:
1   2   3   4   5   6   7   8   9   10   ...   36




The database is protected by copyright ©ininet.org 2024
send message

    Main page